Antichistica 17 Studi orientali 7

—

e-ISSN 2610-9336 ISSN 2610-881X

# **Personal Names in the Aramaic Inscriptions of Hatra**

Enrico Marcato

MARCATO

**INSCRIPTIONS OF HATRA**

**PERSONAL NAMES IN THE ARAMAIC** 

## Antichistica Studi orientali

Collana diretta da Lucio Milano

17 | 7

## Antichistica Studi orientali

#### Direttore scientifico

Lucio Milano (Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, Italia)

#### Comitato scientifico

Claudia Antonetti (Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, Italia) Filippo Maria Carinci (Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, Italia) Ettore Cingano (Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, Italia) Joy Connolly (New York University, USA) Andrea Giardina (Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa, Italia) Marc van de Mieroop (Columbia University in the City of New York, USA) Elena Rova (Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, Italia) Fausto Zevi (Sapienza Università di Roma, Italia)

#### Direzione e redazione

Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici Università Ca' Foscari Venezia Palazzo Malcanton Marcorà Dorsoduro 3484/D, 30123 Venezia

e-ISSN 2610-9336 ISSN 2610-881X

URL http://edizionicafoscari.unive.it/it/edizioni/collane/antichistica/

Enrico Marcato

Venezia **Edizioni Ca' Foscari** - Digital Publishing 2018

Personal Names in the Aramaic Inscriptions of Hatra Enrico Marcato

© 2018 Enrico Marcato per il testo | for the text

© 2018 Edizioni Ca' Foscari - Digital Publishing per la presente edizione | for the present edition

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1a edizione maggio 2018 | 1st edition May 2018 ISBN 978-88-6969-231-4 [ebook] ISBN 978-88-6969-233-8 [print]

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Personal Names in the Aramaic Inscriptions of Hatra / Enrico Marcato — 1. ed. — Venezia: Edizioni Ca' Foscari – Digital Publishing, 2018. — 204 p.; 16 cm. — (Antichistica; 17). — ISBN 978-88-6969-233-8.

URL http://edizionicafoscari.unive.it/it/edizioni/libri/978-88-6969-238-8/ DOI 10.14277/978-88-6969-231-4

Enrico Marcato

## **Abstract**

This book offers a comprehensive linguistic evaluation of the 376 personal names attested in the roughly 600 Aramaic inscriptions of Hatra, the famous Northern Mesopotamian city that flourished in the Parthian age, between the 1st century BC and the 3rd century AD. This study benefits from the publication of many Hatran inscriptions during recent decades, which have yielded rich onomastic data, and some fresh readings of these epigraphic sources. This work is subdivided into three main parts: an "Onomastic Catalogue", a "Linguistic Analysis", and a "Concordance" section. The "Catalogue" is organized as a list of entries, in which every name is transliterated, translated (whenever possible), discussed from an etymological perspective, provided with onomastic parallels, and accompanied by its attestations in the Hatran Aramaic corpus. The "Catalogue" is followed by a "Linguistic Analysis" which describes, firstly, the principal orthographic, phonological, morphological, and syntactical features of Hatran names. The linguistic discussion proper is followed by a semantic taxonomy of the names which make up the corpus and an overview of the religious significance of the theophoric names. Charts of "Concordance" end the book.

**Keywords** Hatra. Aramaic. Inscriptions. Onomastics. Linguistics.

Enrico Marcato

## **Acknowledgements**

This book is the result of the teaching and encouragement of many people, who guided and supported me along a five-year-long path.

The initial version of this work was the core of my M.A. thesis *L'onomastica di Hatra alla luce della società e della cultura mesopotamica*, which I submitted in Oct. 2013 to Ca' Foscari University of Venice under the supervision of Prof. Lucio Milano and Dr. Eleonora Cussini. I am very grateful to them for guiding me attentively during its preparation and for encouraging with enthusiasm its subsequent development. Prof. Lucio Milano also proposed to publish it with Edizioni Ca' Foscari and gave much advice on editorial matters.

A second, substantial phase in the preparation of this volume was enabled due to a DAAD shortterm research grant which allowed me to spend six months (Sept. 2015-Mar. 2016) at the Institut für Orientalistik, Indogermanistik, Ur- und Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie of the Friederich-Schiller-Universität of Jena, Germany. A second stay at the same Institute (Mar.-July 2017) allowed me to refine the catalogue. A thorough revision of this work would not have been possible without the supervision of PD Dr. Christa Müller-Kessler, to whom goes my sincere gratitude for her keen interest in my work, the countless suggestions regarding this research and Aramaic in general, and her gracious hospitality within and beyond Jena. I am grateful also to Prof. Dr. Norbert Nebes and Prof. Dr. Manfred Krebernik, who warmly welcomed me and fostered stimulating discussions of Aramaic and non-Aramaic sources.

The chance for exchanging views on Hatran inscriptions with members of the Missione Archeologica Italiana a Hatra represented a major opportunity. I thank the Director, Prof. Roberta Ricciardi Venco, for her generosity in sharing information from the Mission's archive; a special thank-you to Dr. Enrico Foietta for his enthusiasm in discussing the archaeological context and his impeccable hospitality. My thankfulness goes also to Prof. Marco Moriggi, who showed a great deal of interest in my work and helped in many ways, from checking readings and literature to discussing the numbering of the inscriptions; he also most kindly shared information on unpublished graffiti, which contributed significantly to the present volume.

The analysis of Hatran names benefitted also from a study of the Aramaic inscriptions from Parthian Assur which I carried out in Mar. 2017 at the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin, using the photographs of the German Archaeological Mission to Assur. I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Helen Gries for facilitating my stay and for her willingness to discuss several aspects of these texts. Prof. Riccardo Contini, Dr. Paola Corò, Dr. Ermenegildo Nitta, Prof. Fabrizio A. Pennacchietti, and Prof. Dr Wilfred H. van Soldt gave precious advice on various issues concerning Aramaic and Akkadian onomastics and suggested bibliographical resources that I would have otherwise missed. The meticulous remarks of three anonymous peer-reviewers led to significant improvements. Finally, I am grateful to Geraldina Rozzi for her help in retrieving useful literature and to Emily Zeran for her painstaking English language check, which saved me from several painful calques. Of course, all mistakes or inaccuracies remain my own.

To my family, *llwys*ʾ *wlmksms wlmrqs* ʾ*wrlys*, whose love and support has never failed, this book is dedicated.

Enrico Marcato

## Table of Contents


Enrico Marcato

## **0 Introduction**

Since the first archaeological investigations at the site in the beginning of the 20th century and especially since the resumption of regular excavations in the 1950s, the city of Hatra has been recognized as one of the most opulent Mesopotamian sites of the Parthian age. Located in Northern Mesopotamia, at a relatively short distance from Nineveh, present-day Mosul, and Assur, Hatra thrived between the 1st century BC and the 3rd century AD, before it was besieged and conquered by the Sassanian army in AD 240-1. The multifaceted nature of Hatra as a holy city and pilgrimage destination, a trade centre, and a crucial buffer zone between the Parthians and Rome comes is clear from the rich archaeological and textual evidence. This comprises monumental buildings, such as the impressive Temenos standing in the centre of the city and the fourteen Small Shrines scattered across the urban area, and inscriptions, together with finds in domestic buildings and graffiti which allow a glimpse of the private lives of the city's ancient inhabitants. The abundance of published and unpublished archaeological and epigraphic evidence allows modern researchers to carry out studies on a wide range of topics.**<sup>1</sup>**

The Aramaic epigraphic corpus of Hatra consists of ca. 600 texts belonging to different categories.**<sup>2</sup>** Official texts such as foundation inscriptions, edicts, and dedications of statues are found together with other texts whose nature can be described as more spontaneous, a large part of which are graffiti; on the other hand, literary, ritual, administrative, and epistolary texts, which would offer linguistic samples of greater length and complexity, are lacking. The Aramaic dialect of Hatra has nonetheless gained an increasingly important place within Aramaic studies since the publication of the inscriptions that were progressively unearthed from the site and its surroundings. The fragmentation of the uniformity that characterized Official Aramaic under the Achaemenid Empire, in terms of both language and script, led to the development, from the 3rd century BC onward, of local varieties that became the official languages of smaller kingdoms. These varieties are conventionally grouped under the

**<sup>1</sup>** Cf. Dirven (2013b) and Peruzzetto, Dorna Metzger, Dirven (2013) for recent important contributions on the history, archaeology, and culture of Hatra.

**<sup>2</sup>** See below for bibliographical references and for the numbering of the inscriptions.

label ʻMiddle Aramaic'.**<sup>3</sup>** The language and script attested at Hatra, Assur, and nearby sites between the 1st and the 3rd century AD are part of this picture. Aside from their being proof of the flourishing of local kingdoms able to support chancelleries for the writing of official texts, these Aramaic varieties display for the first time some innovations that characterize the Eastern branch of Aramaic dialects (e.g. Beyer 1984, 46-7; Gzella 2011, 604-6), which is of great importance for studies of Semitics and historical linguistics. These innovations, such as the suffix /-ē/ instead of /-ayyā/ for the masculine plural determinate state of the noun, or the 3rd masculine singular imperfect prefix /l-/**<sup>4</sup>** rather than /y-/, are distinctive features of Eastern Aramaic also in its subsequent phase (Classical Syriac, Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, Mandaic). The most comprehensive description of Hatran**<sup>5</sup>** Aramaic is offered by Beyer (1998, 121-40), while the new study of Contini and Pagano (2015) deals specifically with loanwords. More recent and concise overviews have been offered by Gzella (2011, 604-6; 2015a, 271-6). For a broader discussion cf. Beyer 1984, 77-153.

Due to the laconic nature of the available documentation in Hatran Aramaic, it was soon acknowledged that the many personal names attested in the inscriptions could constitute major evidence to detect linguistic and cultural phenomena and provide information that could not be retrieved from texts. As to the value of Hatran personal names as a source of cultural data, for example, I have shown elsewhere (Marcato 2016) that a bird'seye view of these names testifies to a pulsating cultural environment in which Aramaic and Arab elements interacted with Iranian, Akkadian, and Greek features.

On the linguistic side, the publication of *Die Personennamen der Inschriften aus Hatra* by Sabri Abbadi in 1983 provided a reference work on this topic. This was the first thorough linguistic study of these names and focused on their orthographic, phonological, morphological, and syntactical features. In addition, etymological remarks were supported by onomastic parallels drawn mainly from Semitic corpora (Akkadian, North-Western Semitic, Ancient North- and South-Arabian, Classical Arabic), accompanied by Greek and Latin transcriptions of the same names, as well as Iranian onomastics.

However, as shown by the lists of personal names included in Beyer (1998, 2013) and Bertolino (2008), the publication of more than 200 new inscriptions in the last three decades and new readings of certain pub-


**<sup>5</sup>** As customary in latest publications, I use "Hatran" with reference to language and script, while "Hatrene" for history and culture. Correct, where necessary, the use of "Hatrene" in Marcato 2016.

lished texts have progressively called for a fresh comprehensive analysis. The corpus of 341 inscriptions studied by Abbadi has now increased to approximately 600; moreover, many texts have been read anew, which has occasionally led to radically different interpretations of individual personal names.

The present work aims at providing an updated and easy-to-consult overview of the 376 personal names attested in Aramaic inscriptions found at Hatra. Certain other texts discovered at the site, for example, a jar fragment with the name *nbwḥny*, probably imported in the 4th or 3rd century BC from Failaka or Bahrain (Bertolino 1996a, 313; 2000, 134), a Palmyrene Aramaic stele (PAT no. 1604), three Latin inscriptions (Oates 1955), two as-of-yet unpublished ʻEgyptian' texts, unpublished Greek graffiti (Bertolino 2013, 187 n. 1; Moriggi 2013b, 318 and n. 7), a tombstone with a Nestorian cross and a short Syriac inscription (Ricciardi Venco, Parapetti 2016, 394-5), and two 12th-century Arabic inscriptions (Andrae 1912, 164-5) are here excluded. Names are contextualized in the frame of contemporary onomastic corpora and analyzed as to their linguistic features. The analysis focuses to a large extent on Semitic onomastics (as the great majority of Iranian and Greek names attested at Hatra are well-known) and consists of: an "Onomastic Catalogue", a "Linguistic Analysis", and a "Concordance" section. This book does not offer a detailed assessment of the placement of these personal names within the Hatrene social and cultural environment. It is hoped, however, that the data herein presented will stimulate further studies, in the wake of recent contributions such as those on bilingualism in the late antique Near East (Taylor 2002) and on the diverse linguistic and religious situation at Dura Europos (Kaizer 2009).

The "Catalogue" makes reference primarily to the main editions of Hatran inscriptions (Vattioni 1981, 1994; Aggoula 1991; Beyer 1998, 2013). All attestations of personal names have been checked against photographs of the relevant inscriptions; in the case of missing or untraceable photographs, readings have been verified with the aid of hand-copies, predominately those included in the *editio princeps* of each text.**<sup>6</sup>** The more recent editions of texts usually include hand-copies and, often, also good-quality photographs. In a few cases (H 1073, 1074, and the newly numbered 1125), it was not possible to retrieve satisfactorily legible photographs or hand-copies. The personal names attested in these texts (cf. especially Beyer 2013) thus have not been included in this book due to the impossibility of gaining a certain reading. Multiple attestations of the same individual in the same text are grouped together (ex. H 79:5,7). "Attestations" are separated if, in the same text, the same name refers to

**<sup>6</sup>** Cf. Aggoula 1991 for bibliographical references, although these are not always complete and fully reliable (cf. the thorough review by Sima 1995-96).

different individuals. In cases of ambiguity or for the same individual in different inscriptions, see the footnotes.

Every entry presents the name's transliteration and most probable meaning(s), followed by its "Other readings" (if attested), brief etymological remarks, onomastic parallels, and attestations in the Hatran corpus. Alternative readings have been culled from the aforementioned main collections of Hatran inscriptions, which are more recent and generally more reliable than the *editiones principes* and the studies which appeared shortly after these. Reference to older literature is made only sporadically. Names are not vocalized in this work, despite Beyer's (1998, 2013) meticulous vocalization of Hatran texts, including the onomastic corpus. Firstly, the consonantal writing and the inconsistent use of *matres lectionis* frequently gives rise to ambiguous interpretations. Moreover, Beyer's reconstruction is largely based on Classical Syriac, whereas we do not have conclusive data regarding the pronunciation of Hatran Aramaic nor do we have elements that enable a precise evaluation of the connections between Syriac and Hatran, although a close relationship between the two is beyond question. For the sake of clarity and to avoid inconsistencies within this book, the orthography adopted for the transcription of theonyms follows that generally found in the scientific literature (for example, Maren or Marten instead of the grammatically more correct Māran and Mārtan, cf. Beyer 1998, 2013). However, Hatran spellings have been adopted when they are well established; in these cases, the use of a different spelling for the same theonym refers to the ancient Mesopotamian deity. One may thus observe the coexistence of Hatran Assor and Akk. Aššur; Hatran Iššar and Akk. Ištar; Hatran Nergol and Akk. Nergal; Hatran Šamš (Šmeš in Beyer 1998, 2013) and Akk. Šamaš.

Onomastic parallels are selected firstly from amongst the Middle Aramaic onomastic material: epigraphic materials from Assur and other North-Mesopotamian sites; Palmyrene and Old Syriac materials; Greek and Latin transcriptions of Semitic names in inscriptions from Palmyra, the Palmyrene, Dura Europos, Emesa, and Emesene. The majority of the Aramaic inscriptions from Assur (A 7, 9, 10, 13-15, 17-27, 29-33, 35-40, 42) have been checked against the photographs taken by the German Archaeological Mission led by W. Andrae between 1903 and 1914, currently preserved at the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin. Inscriptions that could not be collated were checked against photographs published in the main editions.

Due to the composite nature of Hatrene society, where the urban community lived side by side with (semi-)nomadic groups, Arab names are contextualized within the frame of Nabataean and Ancient North-Arabian onomastics. Among the latter, reference is made mostly to Safaitic names, due to their abundance, chronological span (1st-4th century AD), and wide geographical distribution (present-day Syria, Iraq, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia).**<sup>7</sup>** Painstaking reference is not made to personal names included in HIn. and already dealt with by Abbadi 1983; conversely, names analyzed in more recent works, if particularly relevant, are referred to (e.g. King 1990; Ababneh 2005; al-Manaser 2008; Rawan 2013). The transliteration of Ancient North-Arabian follows Al-Jallad 2015.

Due to geographical contiguity, cuneiform sources of the 1st millennium BC have been examined as well. Aramaic, Arab, and Iranian names were first checked against PNA (*The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire*), the standard repertoire of Neo-Assyrian onomastics; for Neoand Late-Babylonian names, aside from the catalogue offered by Nielsen (2015), a selection of names is offered from amongst temple (Ebabbar and Ezida) and private archives (Egibi, Murašû, Nappāḫu), occasionally accompanied by other relevant administrative documents.

Reference to other corpora and languages (Old and Official Aramaic, other NWS languages, Ancient South-Arabian, Classical Arabic) is made only in case of significant parallels: extensive reference to these corpora can be found in Abbadi 1983; moreover, the bibliography cited for certain languages has not been recently updated (e.g. for Phoenician and Punic onomastics). For the sake of brevity, and to keep the "Catalogue" to a relatively short and reader-friendly form, for every onomastic parallel a maximum of 5 attestations are indicated.

In some cases, it was not possible to trace a convincing etymology, because the name could not be related to any root or already known name, or more than one interpretation was plausible, or even because a name could derive from a common Semitic root equally productive in several Semitic languages (Marcato 2016, 352).**<sup>8</sup>** In these cases, these personal names have been labelled with ʻUncertain meaning' in the "Catalogue" and listed under "Unclassified" in the "Linguistic Analysis".

The "Catalogue" is followed by a "Linguistic Analysis" of personal names that gives an outline of the most significant aspects concerning phonology, morphology, and syntax. This section is introduced by two charts that gather Hatran personal names on the basis of their linguistic affiliation, the first of which is a revised version of the summarizing chart published in Marcato (2016, 347). The criteria for grouping these names on a linguistic basis are again those specified in Marcato (2016, 348) and, for practicality's sake, they are quoted at the beginning of the "Linguistic Analysis", after the revised version of the chart.

After the linguistic analysis proper, a section on the semantic taxonomy

**<sup>7</sup>** For linguistic, sociolinguistic, and broader cultural issues regarding the pre-Islamic Arabian Peninsula and Levant, cf. the studies collected in Macdonald 2009.

**<sup>8</sup>** The name Šadram/Šardam (*šdrm* or *šrdm*, H 72), which Marcato (2016, 352) adduced as a good example for names whose etymology is highly unclear, is given here the new reading *šrrmry*. Cf. 4.1. "Summarizing charts".

of Hatran names based on the categories systematized for the first time by Noth 1928 is inserted. This overview is conceived as a tool which will hopefully enhance further studies on the topic. The whole section ends with a brief description of the religious significance of Hatran theophoric names. Bearing in mind the complexity of this topic, which deserves a full treatment founded upon all available epigraphic and iconographic evidence, this part is intended as both a systematization of and an addition to the preliminary considerations already expressed in Marcato 2016.

Concordance between the names presented here and those studied by Abbadi (1983), in the form of charts, constitute the final section.

Enrico Marcato

## **1 The Numbering of Hatran Inscriptions**

For general remarks on the issue of the numbering of Hatran texts, cf. Moriggi 2009, 2010a, 2013a; Moriggi (forthcoming) provides an overall study and concordance of the numbering system of Hatran Aramaic inscriptions published up to 2016. The numbering adopted here is in essence the one systematized by K. Beyer; the numbering of inscriptions H 1075-1126 follows Moriggi (forthcoming). A brief list of concordances of inscriptions which include personal names but that are referred to by various catalogue numbers in publications is offered below.



Cf. Beyer (1998) also for inscriptions in Hatran script found at: A-Assur; D-Dura Europos; G-Khirbet Ğaddāla; K-Takrīt; Q-Qabr Abū Nāif; R-ʿAbrat al-Ṣaġīra; S-Saʿdīya; T-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn; cf. Beyer (2013) for F-Kifrin; Š-Šēḫ Ḥamad.

To the inscriptions labelled A-Assur, the following ones need to be added, according to the numbering established in Moriggi (forthcoming): A 36 (Iraq Museum number: IM 119664) = Müller-Kessler (2016 no. 3); A 37 = Müller-Kessler (2016 no. 6). They were initially kept at the Assur Site Museum and later transferred to the Iraq Museum in Baghdad; no evidence regarding their findspot is available.

To the group of Northern Mesopotamian inscriptions in the North-Mesopotamian Aramaic script, the monumental text recently published by Shaked (2016) is added, which is re-numbered T 5 (Moriggi forthcoming).

**Concordance** of inscriptions known by various numbers which include personal names:

**H 10a-f**: roughly incised on the back side of the upper part of an altar found in Small Shrine 1. Cf. the entries *ʾkḥl* and *ʾpḥw* for remarks on the readings.


Table 2. Concordance of inscriptions H 10a-f

**H 288a-c**: incised on the four sides of an altar found in front of the South Iwan, Temenos.

Table 3. Concordance of inscriptions H 288a-c


**H 343a-b**: previously numbered H 343. H 343a is a newly discovered short dedicatory inscription incised on the left part of the Eagle relief, in the East Gate of the city; H 343b is the already published legal inscription, below the Eagle (Moriggi forthcoming).

**H 463** = H 1054 in Beyer (2002, 88).

**H 1020** = no. VII in Ibrahim (1986, 199-200) = no. 018+026 in Vattioni (1994, 91).

**H 1021a** = no. 019 in Vattioni (1994, 91).

**H 1021b** = no. 20 in Vattioni (1994, 91-2) = H 1022 in Beyer (1998, 160).

**H 1021c** = no. 21 in Vattioni (1994, 92) = H 1023, not included in Beyer (1998) but numbered according to Beyer's progressive numeration.

**H 1027** = no. IX in Ibrahim (1986, 200) = no. 028 in Vattioni (1994, 93-4) = H 461 in al-Jubouri (2010a, 142).

**H 1031a-b** = no. XIV in Ibrahim (1986, 202) = no. 032 in Vattioni (1994, 92) = H 462 in al-Jubouri (2010a, 142-3).

**H 1034**: not included in Beyer (1998) but numbered according to Beyer's progressive numeration = no. XVII in Ibrahim (1986, 203) = no. 035 in Vattioni (1994, 96). Cf. also Moriggi (2013a, 37-8).

**H 1035a-e**: not included in Beyer (1998) but numbered according to Beyer's progressive numeration = no. XVIII(a-e) in Ibrahim (1986, 203) = no. 036(a-d) in Vattioni (1994, 96). Cf. also Moriggi (2013a, 43).

**H 1036a-c**: not included in Beyer (1998) but numbered according to Beyer's progressive numeration = no. XIX(a-c) in Ibrahim (1986, 204) = no. 037(a-c) in Vattioni (1994, 97). Cf. also Moriggi (2013a, 45).

**H 1058** = Bertolino (2013 fig. 3).

**H 1076** = Bertolino (2013 fig. 2).

**H 1077** = Bertolino (2013 fig. 4).

Enrico Marcato

## **2 Onomastic Catalogue**

#### **2.1 Attestations of Personal Names**

*ʾbʾ* ʻFather'

**Other readings** *ʿbʾ* ʻSklave' (Beyer 1998, 54 for H 109:1), see below.

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. with hypoc. or det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 72).

Cf. NWS Abâ (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*ba*-*a*; m*ab*-*ba*-*a*) in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 1). Attested in OA and OffA (Maraqten 1988, 65; 112), at Khirbet Ğaddāla (G 1:2, 2:2) and Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:8), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 63; PAT nos. 0028:1, 0102:3, 0526:2, 0536:3, 0538, *etc.*; cf. Αββας in Yon 2012 no. 514:1), Old Syr. (OSI no. As61:5), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 24; Negev 1991, 9), Saf. (HIn., 8). Cf. also Αββας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 14; 109); Saf., Min., Hadr. *ʾb* (HIn., 7-8).

**Attestations** H 5:4,5**<sup>1</sup>** (sculptor), 5:3, 109:1 (major-domo of Barmaren), 140:4**<sup>2</sup>** (chief of the guards of Lord Walgaš, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 132), 176:1, 188:1, 225:1,2 (mason, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 140), 288a:5, 413a:1 (sculptor), 433:2, 439:1, 1014:2, 1036b:1,**<sup>3</sup>** 1046:2.

*ʾbgr* ʻBig-bellied'

**Other readings** *ʾbgd* (al-Jubouri 2010b, 47; Beyer 2013, 39), cf. *ʾbygd*.

Arab male name: elative *ʾabğar* ʻLarge in the belly' (*Lane*, 153). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 63; PAT nos. 0055:6, 0274:2, 0306:2 with transcription Ἀβγάρου in line 2 of the Greek text, 0307:2, 0555:11,**<sup>4</sup>** *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 38:1; Yon 2013a nos. 97:3, 115:4, 185:1), Old Syr. (OSI nos. As51:4, As55:2, Am10:5,9, Co4:1; P1:6,8,v3,v4

**1** Probably the sculptor's signature. Line 5 is numbered again 1 in Beyer 1998, 29.

**2** Abbadi (1983, 1) reports the occurrence at line 3. One expects a missing line 1 ʻThe statue of …' (Caquot 1964, 259; Beyer 1998, 57).


found at Dura Europos but written in Edessa and P2:ii,3,4,6,7,26 found in the vicinity of Dura Europos but written in Marcopolis, Osrhoene), Nab. also in the form *ʾbgrw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 24; Negev 1991, 9), Saf. (HIn., 9; WH, 547; Ababneh 2005 nos. 216a, 231, 232, 1102; al-Manaser 2008 no. 161; Rawan 2013 no. 324), Dad. (Farès-Drappeau 2005 no. D105:1), Tham. (Van den Branden 1956 no. Ph. 277 (l) 2). Cf. Αβγαρος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 14; 111-2).

**Attestations** H 474:2 (mason).

*ʾbw* ʻHer father (is DN)'

Aram. female name. Hypoc. with apocopated 3rd f.s. pronominal suffix (Beyer 1998, 131), interpreted as a hypoc. suffix by Abbadi (1983, 72).

**Attestations** H 30:1, 228:1.

*ʾby* ʻMy father (is DN)'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name such as *ʾbygd* (Abbadi 1983, 73).

Cf. NWS Abî (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*bi*-*i*) in NA and NB texts (PNA 1/I, 8); perhaps also in the Assur ostrakon (Maraqten 1988, 65; 113; Fales 2017, 104 translates ʻmy father').

**Attestations** H 6:1, 202i:1, 415a:3, 469:1 (major-domo of Barmaren), 1040a:2.

*ʾbygd* ʻMy father is Gad'

**Other readings** *ʾbygyr/ʾbygr* ʻMein Vater ist Beisasse' (Beyer 1998, 153); *ʾbygwd* (Bertolino 2008, 10).

Aram. or Arab theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Gad, ʻgood fortune' and personal tutelary deity (Eissfeldt 1963; Abbadi 1983, 73; Kaizer 1997 and 1998); see below for ANA attestations of *gd*. Cf. also the form *ʾbygyd* (Abbadi 1983, 74).

Attested in Bab. texts as Abī-Giʾedu (mAD-*gi*-*e*-*du*; Zadok 1977, 63); cf. *ʾbgd* on Aram. seals (Maraqten 1988, 65; 112).

**Attestations** H 107:1, 107:2, 245:1(2x).**<sup>5</sup>**

**5** Always the same family. H 107 gives evidence of for the involvement of this family in building activities at the Sagil temple; the occurrences in H 245 refer to grandson and grandfather, i.e. the fourth and sixth generations of H 107.

#### *ʾbygyd* See *ʾbygd*.

**Attestations** H 301:1, 363:1.

#### *ʾgrʾ* ʻHireling'

Aram. male name. Loanword from Akk. *agru* ʻhired man, hireling' (AHw, 16; CAD A/1, 151-3; Kaufman 1974, 33), with det. suffix (al-Jubouri 2010a, 134). Considered hypoc. ʻGotteslohn' by Beyer (2013, 29). Cf. NWS Agaru in NA (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*ga*-*ri*; m*a*-*ga*-*ru*) and NB (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*gi*-*ri*) onomastics (PNA 1/I, 55); cf. also NA Aggarāia (<sup>m</sup>*ag*-*ga*-*ra-a-a*) and Aggāru (<sup>m</sup>*ag*-*gar*; PNA 1/I, 55-6), and NB Agguru (<sup>m</sup>*ag*-*gu*-*ru*) and Agar (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*gar*; Pearce, Wunsch 2014 nos. 33:31 and 33:17 respectively; Nielsen 2015, 9). Attested in EA in the form *ʾgry* (Kornfeld 1978, 38; TADC nos. 3.15:39, 4.5:9; TADD nos. 18.8:1, 19.3:1); cf. Saf. and Min. *ʾgr* (HIn., 22; WH, 548).

**Attestations** H 428:3.

*ʾdʾ* ʻAdda / Father'

**Other readings** *bbrʾ* ʻTiger' (Beyer 2013, 28 for H 425:2), MP noun (Sokoloff 2009, 116).

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc.: either theonym Adda, NWS form of the Storm-god's name, with suffix -*ʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 74) or NWS *ʾd* ʻfather' with det. suffix (DUL, 16 s.v. *ảd*; Lipiński 1975, 101-2).**<sup>6</sup>** Cf. also *ʾdy*.

Cf. NWS Addâ (<sup>m</sup>*ad-da*-*a*) in NA onomastics (Lipiński 1975, 101 n. 6; PNA 1/I, 43-4); attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 65; PAT no. 2761:4); cf. Emesene Αδδας (Nitta 1989, 287).

**Attestations** H 58:1, 397:1, 425:2, 1051:1, 1058:2.

#### *ʾdwktb* ʻAddu wrote'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Addu, NWS form of the Storm-god's name (Aggoula 1990, 400-1).

**Attestations** H 396:1.

**<sup>6</sup>** For Ug. names cf. Gröndahl 1967, 88; for Phoen. and Punic names cf. Benz 1972, 259-60.

*ʾdwnr* ʻAddu is (my) light / fire'

**Other readings** *ʾdwnd/r* ʻMon Seigneur est Hadad' or ʻLe Seigneur est (ma) lumière' (Aggoula 1991, 77).

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Addu followed either by Akk. *nūru* or Aram. *nwr* (Abbadi 1983, 75).

Cf. Adda-nūrī/Adad-nūrī (<sup>m</sup>10-ZALÁG; mdIM-ZALÁG; mdIM-*nu*-*ri*) in NA texts, for which PNA (1/I, 34) apparently suggests that the Akk. and the Aram. names derived independently from the same root; *ʾdnry* on a 7th century seal (Maraqten 1988, 66; 117). Cf. also NA Dādi-nūrī (m*da*-*dinu*-*ri*; m*da*-*di*-ZALÁG; <sup>m</sup>U.U-*nu*-*ri*; mU.U-ZALÁG; PNA 1/II, 364), and Aram. *ddnwry* (Lipiński 2010, 72 no. O.3646Rev:7; 178 no. O.3715Rev:7), *ddnr* (Lipiński 2010, 102 no. O.3650Rev:7; 161 no. O.3656r.e.), and *ddnry* (Lipiński 2010, 63 no. O.3655Rev:10).

**Attestations** H 142:2.

#### *ʾdy* ʻAdda'

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc.; theonym Adda with suffix -*y*. Less likely, NWS *ʾd* ʻfather' (DUL, 16 s.v. *ảd*; Lipiński 1975, 101-2) with 1st s. pronominal suffix.**<sup>7</sup>** Cf. also the entry *ʾdʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 75). Attested in OffA, notably in epigraphs on NA (Lipiński 2010, 57 no. O.3713Rev:6) and NB tablets (Maraqten 1988, 66; 115); cf. Iddiya (m*iddi*-*ia*) in the Murašû archive (Donbaz, Stolper 1997 nos. 37:13, 87:3, 95:2,Obv,le.e.). Attested in a Palm. inscription found at Hatra (al-Salihi 1987, 57; PAT no. 1604:1), in an inscription on a relief between Dağyeli and Koçtepe-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 4c:3 = Lightfoot, Naveh 1991 no. C:3), and in Old Syr. (OSI nos. As12:2, As14:2, As15:1).

**Attestations** H 46:1 (sculptor), 56:3, 57:1, 216:1 (mason),**<sup>8</sup>** 217:1 (mason), 383:1 (sculptor), 392:1, 393b:1, 405:2, 1053:1 (priest), 1057:1.

#### *ʾdltw* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *ʾdlty* or *ʾblty*, either theonym Adda or ʻfather' followed by the theonym Allāt (Aggoula 1991, 9-10); *ʾʿlty* ʻHöchster' (Beyer 1998, 30), Arab name; *ʾdlty* (Bertolino 2008, 10).

Arab male name. Probably hypoc. of a theophoric name. Perhaps 3rd f.s.

**8** The same individual in H 216 and 217; the texts are identical.

**<sup>7</sup>** For Ug. names cf. Gröndahl 1967, 88; for Phoen. and Punic names cf. Benz 1972, 259-60.

perfect (IV) of Arabic *ʾadalla* ʻHe, or it, directed; directed aright; guided' (*Lane*, 900-2), with hypoc. suffix -*w* ʻ(The goddess) guided'; if so, it may be connected with Saf. *dl*, *dll*, *dllt* (HIn., 241-2; WH, 574).

Otherwise, following the attestations of Tham. *ʾḏlt* (Van den Branden 1956 no. Ph. 256 a) and Saf. *ʾḏl* (HIn., 34), 3rd f.s. perfect (IV) of Arabic *ʾaḏalla* ʻHe (God) lowered, abased, or humbled, him' (*Lane*, 973) with hypoc. suffix -*w* ʻ(The goddess) humbled'.

Abbadi (1983, 76) follows cautiously Caquot (1952, 95): elative from Arabic *dalaṯa* ʻin kleinen Schritten gehen'.

**Attestations** H 10a:5.

*ʾdn* ʻEar'

**Other readings** *ʾzn*, for which Abbadi (1983, 76) suggests Arabic *ʾuḏn*, although in Aram. one would expect *ʾdn*. If *ʾzn*, it may be otherwise Hebr. ʻear' but this seems difficult to match with names of other members of the same family (*ḥwyšʾ* and *nšryhb*). *ʾd/rn* ʻOhr/Gazelle' (Beyer 1998, 154).

Aram. or Arab male name (Beyer 1998, 154); if Aram., absolute state. Cf. in NA texts the probably NWS Idnānu (<sup>m</sup>*id*-*na*-*a*-*ni*; PNA 2/I, 505), Uznâ (<sup>m</sup>*uz*-*na*-*aʾ*; m*ú*-*su*-*na*-*a*), and Uznānu (<sup>m</sup>*uz*-*na*-*nu*; mPI.2-*a*-*nu*; PNA 3/ II, 1424-5). Cf. Saf. *ʾḏn* (HIn., 34; WH, 550; Ababneh 2005 nos. 308, 374, 746). Interpreted as a diminutive *ʾUḏain* in HIn. and WH; Ababneh 2005, 194 vocalizes *ʾUḏun* ʻHearer, listener', *ʾĀḏin* ʻwho has big ears', *ʾAḏīn* ʻwarrantor, leader'. Cf. also Tham. *ʾḏn* (Van den Branden 1956 no. Ph. 290(1), vocalized *ʾiḏn*), and the Hism. diminutive *ʾḏnt* (King 1990, 355). Aggoula (1991, 86) suggests a hypoc., ʻlord'.**<sup>9</sup>**

**Attestations** H 174:1.

*ʾd*/*rnb* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r>, two readings are possible.

*ʾdnb* (Aggoula 1991, 137-8; Vattioni 1994, 65; Bertolino 2008, 10). According to Aggoula, a theophoric name: either the nominal sentence ʻLe (mon) Seigneur est Nabu', or a verbal sentence on the model of NA Adūnī-Nabû, or Iddina-Nabû ʻNabû gave (me)'. Cf. EA *ʾdnbw*-Iddinnabu (Kornfeld 1978, 38 s.v. *ʾdnnbw*; TADD no. 7.40:8; Porten 2016, 8).

**<sup>9</sup>** Cf. for Ug. DUL, 19-20, Gröndahl 1967, 89-90; see also Phoen. and Punic theophorics in Benz 1972, 260-1.

*ʾrnb* (Abbadi 1983, 81-2; Beyer 1998, 83). Aram. ʻhare' (DNWSI, 110), cf. Arabic *ʾarnab* (*Lane*, 1164).

**Attestations** H 288a:4.

*ʾṭyš* Uncertain meaning.

Arab male name. Abbadi (1983, 76) suggests an elative of Arabic *ṭāša* (*ṭyš*) ʻHe was, or became, light, inconstant, unsteady, irresolute, or fickle' (*Lane*, 1905); Caquot (1964, 263) refers to Saf. *ṭys<sup>2</sup>t* ʻfrivolity, fickleness' (HIn., 390; WH, 590).

Less likely, hypoc. of *ʾytyšmš* ʻŠamaš a donné' (Aggoula 1991, 83), verbal sentence with the 3rd m.s. C perfect of *ʾty*, with a shift [t] > [ṭ].

**Attestations** H 161a:1.

*ʾkḥl* ʻBlack-eyed'

**Other readings** *ʾkḥw* or *ʾnḥw* (Vattioni 1981, 27); *ʾpḥw* (Aggoula 1991, 9-10); *ʾnpḥw* (Vattioni 1994, 41).

Arab male name. Elative *ʾakḥal* ʻ*kuḥl* schwarz (Auge)' (Wehr 1985, 1090) from *kaḥala* ʻmit *kuḥl* salben, bestriechen' (Wehr 1985, 1090), hence ʻSchwarzäugiger' (Beyer 1998, 154); cf. also Syr. *kḥl* (Sokoloff 2009, 617) and Abbadi (1983, 77) ʻsich die Augenlider mit Kuḥl (Antimon) färben'.

**Attestations** H 10a:2, 10b:2, 10c:2.**<sup>10</sup>**

*ʾlhyhbw* ʻThe god gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence: the suffix -*w* is interpreted by Aggoula (1986, 362) as the Greek -ος; as plural ʻdie Götter gaben (den Sohn)' by Beyer (1998, 97). However, the use of the plural ʻgods' is not attested in previous or contemporary onomastic corpora. The suffix may mirror a dialectal pronunciation; a comparable case may be Palm. *blydʿw* (Stark 1971, 76; PAT no. 1261:1).

**10** Always the same individual. H 10a-b-c yield the following genealogy: *šmšʿqb* son of *ʾlhšmš* son of *ʾkḥl* son of *šmšḥdyt* son of *ʾpḥw*. As seen above, Aggoula (1991, 9-10) reads *ʾpḥw* instead of *ʾkḥl*. However, the hand-copy (Safar 1951, 177; photograph not available) allows for the proposal of different readings. Further, in H 10a:2 and 10c:2 *ʾkḥl* is recognizable due to the different shape of <k>, as compared to <p>. H 10b:2 is more problematic, likely due to a mistake by the engraver. The sequence <ʾkpḥ> could be interpreted as *ʾk*{*p*}*ḥ*[*l*] or *ʾ*{*k*} *pḥ*[*w*]. Prosopographical data deduced from the other inscriptions on the same altar allow for the selection of *ʾk*{*p*}*ḥ*[*l*]. Beyer (1998, 30) does not indicate the deletion of <p*>* in H 10b:2.

Cf. NA Iddin-Ilu (<sup>m</sup>*id*-*ni*-DINGIR; <sup>m</sup>AŠ-DINGIR), perhaps NWS (PNA 2/I, 504).

**Attestations** H 364:4 (major-domo of Marten, ʻhis intendant' referring to the major-domo *ʾprhṭ*, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 131).

#### *ʾlhšmš* ʻThe god is Šamš'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 77).

Cf. Palm. *ʾlhšʾ* (Stark 1971, 68; PAT nos. 0470:1, 0543:1 with transcription Ἐλασσᾰ at lines 1 and 2 of the Greek text, 0544:1,3, 0545:2, 0547:2,6, *etc.*; Yon 2013a nos. 45:2,3, 82:1); at Dura Europos Ιλασαμσος (Grassi 2012, 65; 209) and again Palm. *ʾlhšʾ* (PAT no. 1091:5).

**Attestations** H 10a:1, 10b:2, 10c:1,**<sup>11</sup>** 40:3, 141:2.

*ʾlṭwm* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *ʾlt ws*[*myʾ*] ʻ(Statua di) *ʾlt* e dell'in[segna]' (Vattioni 1981, 63); *ʾlṭwq* or *ʾlṭws* (Vattioni 1994, 53).

Male name. Abbadi (1983, 78) suggests an elative of Arabic *laṭṭama* (II) ʻHe slapped much, or violently' (*Lane*, 3010), with a vocalic shift [a] > [ū], or an *ʾaCCūC* form ʻelternlos sein'. Aggoula (1991, 77) considers it a transcription of *ʾntwn*, with the shifts [n] > [l], [t] > [ṭ] and [n] > [m],**<sup>12</sup>** from *ntn* ʻto give'.

Perhaps paralleled by Nab. *ʾlṭmw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 35; Negev 1991, 12), for which Cantineau (1932, 63) proposed a derivation from Arabic *laṭīm* ʻorphelin de père et de mère; qui a une tache blanche sur la joue' or *laṭīma* ʻmusc; parfum'; cf. Saf. *lṭmt* (HIn., 516 also in the form *lṭm*; WH, 608; Ababneh 2005 no. 1127) likewise traced back to ʻmusk'.

**Attestations** H 142:1.

*ʾlkwd*/*r* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r>, two readings are possible (cf. Abbadi 1983, 78-9 for various interpretations). Attested also in Old-Syr. inscriptions from Sumatar (OSI nos. As30:4, As37:2,3, As38:1).

**11** The same individual in H 10a-b-c.

```
12 Shifts: [n] > [l] attested in Neo-Aram., [t] > [ṭ] as in ʾṭyš, [n] > [m] attested in Syr.
```
*ʾlkwd*: interpreted by Habib (1973, 162), and subsequently by Odishu (1990, 456), as a form of *ʾlkbd* ʻThe anger of the god' with a shift [b] > [w]. Alternatively, a form derived from Arabic *lakida* ʻIt (dirt) clave, or stuck, to him, or it' (*Lane*, 2671) or Jordanian Arabic *lakada* ʻeinem Pferd die Sporen geben', from which Abbadi derives a possible meaning ʻHeisssporn'. According to Aggoula (1991, 70), a genitive construction ʻThe god of the city wall', in which *kwd* would be a variant of *gwd*. **13** *ʾlkwr*: Caquot (1963, 4) takes into account Qat. *ʾlkr* (HIn., 69; this should probably be amended to *ʾlkrb*, cf. Hayajneh 1998, 303); Safar (1961, 19) identifies the Arabic article *ʾl* in the first part of the name. Abbadi, followed by Beyer (1998, 154), proposes also an Iran. origin, but the idea is questioned by Sima (2000, 165) due to the rarity of the phoneme /l/ in contemporary Iran. sources. Perhaps the name is neither Semitic nor Iran.

**Attestations** H 79:5, 79:7, 79:8,**<sup>14</sup>** 80:2, 80:9(2x),**<sup>15</sup>** 113:1, 114:1,**<sup>16</sup>** 327:1,**<sup>17</sup>** 349:1, 350:2,**<sup>18</sup>** 377:1, 416:3 (lord), 416:4, 427:2.

#### *ʾlkṣdrws* ʻAleksandros'

Greek male name, Ἀλέξανδρος, with assimilation [nd] > [dd] = <d>.

Cf. the numerous transcriptions of the name in LB cuneiform (Monerie 2014, 113-7); Palm. *ʾlkdrys* (Stark 1971, 68; PAT no. 1135:2), *ʾlksdrs* (Stark 1971, 68; PAT no. 0259.I:2), *ʾlksndrws* (Stark 1971, 68; PAT nos. 0278:3, 0286:4, 2754:1), *ʾlksndrs* (Stark 1971, 68; PAT no. 1412:2), *ʾlkṣndry* (Yon 2013a no. 1:1). All texts, except for PAT no. 2754 and Yon 2013a no.1, bear the transcription Ἀλέξανδρος. Nab. *ʾlks* and *ʾlksʾ* may be hypoc. of the same name (Negev 1991, 12); however, the attestations of *ʾlksy* and *ʾlksyw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 36; Healey 1993, 116) point at Άλέξιος.

**Attestations** H 1019:1.**<sup>19</sup>**

**13** The name allegedly has parallels in Palm. onomastics. However, it does not seem to be attested in Palm.

**14** The three individuals in H 79 are: grandson, grandfather, and great-great-grandfather.

**15** Overall, three attestations for two different individuals: grandson (H 80:9) and grandfather (H 80:2,9).

**16** The same individual in H 113 and 114.

**17** The attestations in H 327 and 427 may refer to the same individual.

**18** The same individual in H 349 and 350.

**19** This <ṣ*>*, though partially broken, lacks the characteristic elongated left stroke due to the small space available and thus has a <ḥ*>*-like shape (Aggoula 1994b, 400).

*ʾmbʾ* ʻPaternal grandmother'

Aram. male name. Genitive construction with aphaeresis of <ʾ> in *ʾb* (Stark 1971, 69; Moriggi 2013a, 43).

Cf. Akk. Ummi-abīya (MI2.AMA-*a*-*bi*-*a*) in NA texts (PNA 3/II, 1386) and Palm. *ʾmby* (Stark 1971, 69), male (PAT no. 1346A:2**<sup>20</sup>**-B:2) and female (PAT nos. 0021:4, 0604:1, 0914:1, 1803:1, 2748:3). Cf. also Milik 1972, 324-6.

**Attestations** H 1035d:2.**<sup>21</sup>**

*ʾnšbʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Aram. *nšbʾ* ʻwind' (DNSWI, 764) with prothetic [ʾ] (Aggoula 1991, 37); Beyer (1998, 40) translates ʻAnhauch (der Gottheit …)'.

Abbadi (1983, 79) suggests either an elative form of Arabic *našiba* ʻIt became caught, or entangled' (*Lane*, 2791) hence ʻhängen' with Aram. det. suffix, or the plural adjective *ʾansibāʾ* (sing. *nasīb*) from *nasaba* ʻHe mentioned his [i.e. another's] relationship, [lineage, or genealogy] ' (*Lane*, 2786), hence ʻangeheirateter Verwandter'. It may also be an elative connected with Saf. *ns<sup>2</sup>bt* (HIn., 588; WH, 615; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 48, 111; Rawan 2013 nos. 50, 115, 309; al-Manaser and Rawan connect it instead with Arabic *nušabah* ʻWolf' or *nuššāb* ʻBogenschütze', as *naššāb* ʻA maker of arrows' in *Lane*, 2792); cf. also Saf. and Qat. *ns2b* (HIn., 588; WH, 615), and Saf. *hns2b* (WH, 621).

**Attestations** H 45:2.

*ʾspd*/*r* ʻAspād / Aspār'

Iran. male name, Aspād or Aspār. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r>, two readings are possible. Both names are attested in Greek transcription, Ασπάδας and Ασπαρ (Justi 1895, 45-6). If *ʾspd*, perhaps a hypoc. of Aspa-dāt, attested on a Parthian ostrakon at Nippur and interpreted as the union of *asp* 'horse' (MacKenzie 1971, 12) and the participle *dāta* 'given' (Schmitt 1998, 181).

**Attestations** H 381:1 (major-domo).

**20** Reconstructed.

**21** Reading by Moriggi 2013a, 43.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 29**

*ʾsrybrk* ʻMay Assor bless'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Assor (Abbadi 1983, 79-80); cf. the "Linguistic Analysis" for the Aram. imperfect prefix *y*-.**<sup>22</sup>** Cf. OA and OffA theophoric names with the same structure (Maraqten 1988, 105).

**Attestations** H 141:2.

*ʾsrpndʾ* ʻOh Assor, ransom!'

**Other readings** *ʾstnr/dʾ* (Degen 1970, 226; Abbadi 1983, 190 remarking the difficult reading of <t>); *ʾstndʾ* (Vattioni 1981, 77, 1994, 59); *ʾstrʾ* (Ibrahim 1986, 211; 516); *ʾsrpnd/rʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 108; connected with NA names such as Aššūr-ālik-pāni or Aššūr-dūr-pānīja (PNA 1/I, 153-4; 180); *ʾsmndʾ* (Beyer 1998, 71; Greek Σμινδων).

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence: theonym Assor followed by the 2nd m.s. D imperative of *pdy* (G stem) ʻto ransom, to redeem' (DNWSI, 902) with dissimilation [dd] > [nd]. The D stem of this verb has not been attested elsewhere so far, but the NA Akk. genitive infinitive *puddê* (*pu*-*udde*-*e*) ʻransoming' in the letter SAA 10 no. 89:5' (cf. also CAD/P, 7 *puddû* ʻto ransom(?)') is an interesting parallel. Due to the isolated nature of the Aram. and Akk. attestations, it is not possible to state whether this form shows Akk. influence on Aram. or vice-versa, or if they portray two cognate verbs which developed independently. For *pdy* (G stem) in onomastics, cf.: Lipiński 1975, 129-31; PNA 3/I, 977-9; Abraham 2005-6, 215-6. The use in personal names of a D imperative of *pdy* or *padû*/*puddû* is not so far attested.

**Attestations** H 219:1 (temple(?) singer).

#### *ʾstnq* ʻĀstāwanaq (?)'

Iran. male name. Abbadi (1983, 80) suggests the Iran. adjective *ustāna*-*ka* ʻausgestreckt'; Schmitt (2016, 60) for the attestation of *ʾstwnq* in epigraphic Parthian cautiously suggests a hypoc. based on Avestan *āstauuana*-, MP *āstawān*- ʻsich bekennend (zu)' (also MacKenzie 1971, 12). Cf. also the form *ʾtnq*. Iran. [k] is rendered with <q*>* also in *snṭrwq*.

**Attestations** H 38:3, 56:3, 113:2, **<sup>23</sup>** 114:2, 181:1, 257:1, 326:1, 342:3 (elder), 438a:2, 1014:2, 1031b:2.


*ʾpḥw* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *ʾpḥwšmš* (Abbadi 1983, 80), connected with Akk. *napāḫu* ʻto rise (said of stars) ' (AHw, 732-3; CAD N/1, 265-8), cf. *np[ḥ]šwš* ʻThe rising of Šamaš' in a 5th century Aram. ostrakon from Larsa (Dupont-Sommer 1945-46 line 4; Maraqten 1988, 242); *ʾpḥwšmš* ʻŠamaš diffused his odour' (Odishu 1990, 474); *ʾpḥz* ʻHochmütiger' (Beyer 2013, 28; 31-2; only in H 426:1 and 441:3), Arabic *ʾapḥaz*.

Aram. or Arab. male name. The reading with final <w> seems more likely than one with final <z> as in Beyer. If Aram., it might be the hypoc. of a theophoric name: 3rd m.s. C perfect of *npḥ* ʻto forge' (Beyer 1984, 638; DNWSI, 740), with assimilation [np] > [pp] = <p> and hypoc. suffix -*w*. However, the Qumran attestation listed in Beyer 1984 is in turn uncertain. This verbal stem is also not productive in Aramaic. On the other hand, Arabic *ʾapḥaz* 'haughty' (Beyer 2013, 28; 31-2) is linguistically more likely but epigraphically less justified.

**Attestations** H 10a:3, 10c:3,**<sup>24</sup>** 390:2, 426:1, 441:3.**<sup>25</sup>**

#### *ʾprhṭ* ʻAfrahāt'

Iran. male name, Frahāt, with prothetic [ʾ] (Abbadi 1983, 80-1; Gignoux 1986, 86; Schmitt 1998, 179; Gignoux 2003, 37). Cf. Avestan *fraδāta* ʻfavorisé, accru' (Gignoux 1986, 86).

Cf. Ipradātu (<sup>m</sup>*ip*-*ra*-*da*-*a*-*tú*) and Ipradāta (<sup>m</sup>*ip*-*ra*-*da*-*a*-*ta*) in Achaemenid Babylonia (Zadok 2009, 231-2). Attested at Assur (A 27g:1), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 72; PAT no. 0595), Old Syr. (OSI no. Cm13:1), and Syr. literature (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 35-6).

**Attestations** H 133:1, 223:1 (major-domo of Arabia), 224:1 (major-domo), 224:2 (major-domo),**<sup>26</sup>** 364:1 (major-domo of Arabia), 390:2, 437:1,2.

#### *ʾprṭn* ʻAfrūdhīn'

Iran. male name, Afrūdhīn (Justi 1895, 6; 99 s.v. Ferūdhīn); Afrāṭān in Beyer (1998, 155). According to Aggoula (1990, 413) and Sima (2000, 166), transcription of Greek Πρωτιων, attested in Syriac as *ʾprʾwṭynws*, which in turn is interpreted as the Iran. Afrāhātēnos by Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien (2009, 36).

**24** The same individual in H 10a-c. Cf. the entry *ʾkḥl* for a discussion of the readings. Here <w*>* is a short slanting stroke ligated to the preceding <ḥ*>*, as in H 10c:3.

**25** Likely the same individual in H 426 and 441.

**26** Father and son in H 224:1-2.

#### **2 Onomastic Catalogue 31**

Attested in two different spellings, *prwṭyn* and *prṭyn*, in a Sasanian JBA incantation bowl in square script but with a Mandaic *Vorlage* (Levene, Bohak 2012 lines 10,11) and linked to the toponym Hatra in both occurrences.

**Attestations** H 410:1 (Zaqīqā-deified ancestor).

*ʾryš* ʻProvoker'

Arab male name. Abbadi (1983, 81) suggests Arabic *ʾarraša* (II) ʻHe made mischief; or excited disorder, disturbance, disagreement (…) between, or among, the people' (*Lane*, 47); probably an adjective, *CaCīC* form. Bertolino (2008, 10) considers it an Iran. name. Odishu (1990, 474) proposes ʻA man possessing property and clothing'.

Cf. perhaps Ariššu (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*ri*-*iš*-*šú*) in Achaemenid Babylonia (Zadok 1977, 224); Nab. *ʾršw* (Negev 1991, 15); Saf., Dad., Tham. *ʾrs<sup>2</sup>* ʻspoiler, lurer, swindler' (HIn., 37; WH, 550; Ababneh 2005 nos. 761, 840; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 11, 279) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 356) and Min. (al-Said 1995, 56-7); Saf. *ʾrs<sup>2</sup>t* (HIn, 37; WH, 550; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 83, 128); Min. *ʾrys<sup>2</sup>t* (al-Said 1995, 57).

**Attestations** H 69:7-8.

*ʾršd* ʻThe most righteous'

**Other readings** *ʾršd, ʾršk* (?) or *ʿbšr* (Vattioni 1981, 66, 1994, 54); *ʾbšr* ʻAssur est père (ou mon père)' (Aggoula 1991, 83), but already in the earliest phases of Aramaic the theonym Aššur is consistently written <ʾsr>, whereas <ʾšr> is Ištar/Iššar (Fales 1986, 61-5). Aggoula's alternative hypothesis is the theophoric ʻThe father is King', composed with *šr* i.e. Akk. *šarru*.

Arab male name. Elative from *rašada* ʻHe took, or followed, a right way or course or direction' (*Lane*, 1089), hence ʻRechtgeleitet, vernüftig; Verständiger' (Abbadi 1983, 82; Beyer 1998, 61). Cf. Tham. and Hadr. *rs2d*, and Sab. *rs2dm* (HIn., 278).

**Attestations** H 161b:1.

#### *ʾšʾ* ʻGift (?)'

Arab male name. Likely from *ʾws<sup>1</sup>* ʻto give; to grant a boon' attested in Saf. (Al-Jallad 2015, 302) with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix. Cf. also the form *ʾšw*. Abbadi (1983, 82) reports a pers. comm. of B. Aggoula, who connects the name with Arabic *ʾanisa* ʻHe was, or became, sociable, companionable' (*Lane*, 113). Cf. also Lipiński 1974 for this root in NWS onomastics.

Attested in Aram. epigraphs on NA tablets (Lemaire 2001 nos. 8:9, 9:8, 10:8 connected with *ʾwš* ʻto give'); cf. Αυσας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 35; 148) and Emesa (Nitta 1989, 288); Nab. *ʾšw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 44 ʻMyrth'; Negev 1991, 15); Saf. *ʾs1* (HIn., 40-1; WH, 551; Ababneh 2005 nos. 77, 93, 219, 299, 331, *etc.*; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 116, 131, 133, 159, 173, 238; Rawan 2013 nos. 73, 98, 117, 164, 267, *etc*.) attested also in Dad., Tham. (HIn., 40-1) and Hism. (King 1990, 356-7); Saf., Dad., Tham., Sab., Min. *ʾws<sup>1</sup>* (HIn., 84; Ababneh 2005 nos. 76, 80, 283; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 17, 156); Saf. theophoric *ʾs<sup>1</sup>ʾl* (HIn., 41; WH, 551; Ababneh 2005 nos. 913, 1006; Rawan 2013 no. 108) attested also in Dad. (Hidalgo-Chacón Díez 2009, 95) and Hism. (King 1990, 357); Saf., Dad., Sab., Qat., Min. *ʾws<sup>1</sup>ʾl* (HIn., 84).

**Attestations** H 30:3, 38:3.

*ʾšw* See *ʾšʾ*.

**Attestations** H 480:1.

*ʾšlm* ʻThe safest'

Arab male name. Elative from *š*/*salima* ʻHe was, or became, safe, or secure; (…) he made peace' (*Lane*, 1412-3; Abbadi 1983, 83). Cf. also the form *ʾšlmw*.

Perhaps attested also in a Palm. inscription from Umm es-Salabikh (PAT no. 2757:2). Cf. Nab. *ʾšlm* and *ʾšlmw* (Negev 1991, 15); Saf., Dad., Tham., Sab., Min. *ʾs<sup>1</sup>lm* (HIn., 45; WH, 551; Ababneh 2005 nos. 84, 92(2x), 168, 383, 411, *etc.*; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 95, 234) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 358). The causative *ʾs1lm* ʻto surrender' is attested in Saf. (Al-Jallad 2015, 342).

**Attestations** H 162:1 (3x),**<sup>27</sup>** 182:1 (2x),**<sup>28</sup>** 185:1 (2x),**<sup>29</sup>** 242:1, 243:1,**<sup>30</sup>** 411c-f.**<sup>31</sup>**

#### *ʾšlmw* See *ʾšlm*.

**Attestations** H 412a:4.


**31** Four Hatran graffiti incised on a Palmyrene stele dedicated to Allāt (PAT no. 1604). Found at Hatra, in Small Shrine 13 dedicated to Gad (al-Salihi 1987, 57).

*ʾštʾṭy* See *ʾštṭy*.

**Attestations** H 325:2, **<sup>32</sup>** 1008:1.

#### *ʾštṭ* ʻAštād'

**Other readings** For H 18:2 the following readings have been suggested: *bʾšt* (Caquot 1952, 99; Vattioni 1981, 30); *ʾb*/*wʾštṭ* (Aggoula 1991, 15); *bʾštrʾ* ʻDurch die Göttin' (Beyer 1998, 32). I propose *bʾšt*[*ṭ*] ʻBy Aštād'.

Iran. theophoric male name. Perhaps hypoc.: theonym Aštād (Justi 1895, 47; Abbadi 1983, 84; Gignoux 1986, 50; 2003, 24). Odishu (1990, 456) proposes ʻto be foolish', Gt stem of Syr. *šṭy* (Sokoloff 2009, 1548). Attested at Assur (A 4:5); its occurrence in Palm. is uncertain (Stark 1971, 71; PAT no. 0414:2).

**Attestations** H 18:2, 26:1, 94:1, 122:1, 123:1 (son of Lord Worōd), 215:1 (scribe), 221:2 (scribe),**<sup>33</sup>** 335:5 (mason), 439:1, 1036a:1, 1090:1.

#### *ʾštṭy* ʻAštād'

Iran. theophoric male name. Hypoc.: theonym Aštād with suffix -*y* (Abbadi 1983, 84). Cf. also the form *ʾštʾṭy* (Aggoula 1991, 5).

**Attestations** H 5:2.**<sup>34</sup>**

#### *ʾtlw* ʻNoble'

Arab male name. Adjective from *ʾaṯala* ʻit was, or became, old, of ancient origin, or of long standing' (*Lane*, 21; Abbadi 1983, 84) with suffix -*w*. Caquot (1952, 101) suggests an elative. A transcription of Greek Ἄτταλος has been proposed by Milik (1962, 53) and more recently by Marciak-Wójcikowski (2016, 92).

**32** Perhaps the same individual in H 5 and 325. The second <ʾ> may have been added by the engraver once the name had already been written (hand-copy in al-Salihi 1975, 184). Cf. the entry *ʾštṭy*.

**33** Likely the same individual in H 215 and 221.

**34** Perhaps the same individual in H 5 and 325. Cf. the entry *ʾštʾṭy*.

Cf. Tham. *ʾṯyl* (Harding 1952 nos. 63, 64), *ʾṯl* (Van den Branden 1956 nos. Ph. 166 v 7, Ph. 207 a 2), and *ʾṯlt* (Van den Branden 1956 no. Ph. 178 b 3); Sab. *ʾṯl* and *ʾṯlt* (HIn., 21).

**Attestations** H 21:1 (king of Adiabene).**<sup>35</sup>**

#### *ʾtnq* See *ʾstnq*.

Aggoula (1991, 119-20) considers this form evidence for the assimilation of an interdental [ṯ] to [t]. However, as in MA interdental phonemes are regularly reduced to dentals, this is likely an assimilation [st] > [tt] = <t> or a mistake of the engraver.

**Attestations** H 239:1.

*ʾtʿqb* ʻʿAtte/Atargatis protected'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with theonym ʿAtte/Atargatis, with dissimilation [ʿ] > [ʾ] (Abbadi 1983, 85). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 73; PAT nos. 0511:2, 0792:2, 1358:4,5, 2812:6,9, 2815 with transcription Αθηακά[βος]; Yon 2013a no. 105:3); also in the non-dissimilated form *ʿtʿqb* (Stark 1971, 108; PAT nos. 0072:2, 0073:4, 0075:3, 0083:3, 0114:2, *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012

no. 13:2). The latter is already attested in a 2nd century BC inscription at Teima (Degen 1974 no. 11).

**Attestations** H 251:1 (major-domo), 271:1.

**35** I follow the reading *ʾtlw mlkʾ ntwnʾšryʾ* by Beyer (1998, 33), adopted also in Marciak, Wójcikowski (2016). Caquot (1952, 101; no complete translation provided) *ʾtlw mlkʾ ntynʾ šryʾ*; Aggoula (1991, 17) *ʾtlw mlk ʾntwnʾ šryʾ ʻʾtlw* le roi de *ʾntwn* l'assyrien'. Cf. the remarks in Sima (1995-96, 318). *ntwnʾšr* is the Iran. name of the kingdom of Adiabene, whose relevant ethnonym *ntwnʾšryʾ* ʻAdiabenian' is attested also in the transcription Νατουνισ(σ)αροκέρτων (Lipiński 1982, 120; Marciak, Wójcikowski 2016, 92). The identification of *ntwnʾšr* with Adiabene was proposed by Milik (1962, 51) on the basis of numismatic evidence; Teixidor (1967, 1-4) proposed that the statue depicted king Izates, who lived in the first half of the 1st century BC, as witnessed by Flavius Josephus' *Antiquities of the Jews*, and enjoyed a great deal of prestige at Hatra. Furthermore, the name Aṯīlu would be the translation of Izates, Iran. *azada*/*azades* ʻnoble' (Gignoux 1986, 51). Adiabene would have represented a model for Hatrene royal ideology and Izates' statue would have been erected by the first Hatrene king Sanaṭrūk I (Teixidor 1967, 8). The more recent evaluation of this attestation (Marciak, Wójcikowski 2016, 92-3) highlights the role of Hatra as a superregional religious centre and the importance of dedications of statues in establishing positive diplomatic relations among neighbouring kingdoms.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 35**

*bby* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *bbyʾ* ʻle banquier' (Aggoula 1990, 417).

Male name. Lallative form (Abbadi 1983, 86), probably common Semitic.

Attested in OA and OffA (Maraqten 1988, 71; 135), in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Lemaire 2001 no. 7:2), and on NB bricks from Babylon (Sass, Marzahn 2010, 44; 165); cf. Bābâ (<sup>m</sup>*ba*-*ba*-*a*), Bābāia (male <sup>m</sup>*ba*-*ba*-*a*-*a*; female MÍ*ba*-*ba*-*a*-*a*), Bābî (<sup>m</sup>*ba*-*bi*-*i*; PNA 1/II, 243-4), Bābû (<sup>m</sup>*ba*-*bu*-*ú*), and Bābua (*ba*-*bu*-*a*; *bu*-*ba*-*a*) in NA texts (PNA 1/II, 246); Palm. *bbw* (al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 55:3); Βαβα at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 36; 151) together with *bbw* in a Palm. graffito (PAT no. 1102); *bbʾ* in the archive of Babatha from Naḥal Ḥever (Yadin et al. 2002 no. 7:6,8,11,12,38,40,45,47); perhaps Old Syr. *ʾbbwy* (OSI no. As32:2).

**Attestations** H 104:1 (ʻthe dwarf'? Cf. Beyer 1998, 52).

*bd*/*rʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r>, two readings are possible. Cf. also the form *bd*/*ry*, attested on NB bricks from Babylon (Sass, Marzahn 2010, 46; 165-6).

*bdʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 86). Prepositional construction: hypoc. ʻin the hand (of DN)'. Perhaps a defective writing of Palm. *bydʾ* (Stark 1971, 76 opts for a form of *zbydʾ* with aphaeresis of <z>; PAT nos. 0279:3 with transcription Βαιδᾰ at line 3 of the Greek text, 0909:2, 1359:2, 2348Rev:1, 2512Rev).**<sup>36</sup>** Cf. NWS names attested in NA texts Bādāia (<sup>m</sup>*ba*-*da*-*a*; m*ba*-*da*-*a-a*), Bādî (m*ba*-*di*-*i*), Bādia (male m*ba*-*di*-*ia*; female MÍ*ba*-*di*-*ia*), Baiadi-Il (m*ba*-*a*-*a*-*di*-DINGIR; <sup>m</sup>*ba*-*aʾ*-*di*-DINGIR; <sup>m</sup>*ba*-*di*-*iʾ*-DINGIR; <sup>m</sup>*ba*-*a*-*a*-*te*-DINGIR; PNA 1/II, 249-53); Bādāia (<sup>m</sup>*ba*-*da*-*a*) attested also in the NB archive of the Nappāḫu (Baker 2004 no. 118). Cf. theophoric *bydʾl* in OffA (Maraqten 1988, 71; 136-7). The connection with Arabic *baḍḍ* ʻwhite flower' proposed by Odishu (1990, 457) should be rejected.

*brʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 86-7; preferred by Vattioni 1994, 66 and Beyer 1998 and 2013). Either hypoc. of a theophoric name ʻson of ND', or 3rd m.s. perfect (I) of Arabic *bariʾa* ʻHe was, or became, clear, or free' (*Lane*, 178), hence ʻinnocent'. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 78; PAT nos. 0525:1, 1503:2, 2189Rev); cf. Βαρα at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 37; 156; Gzella 2015b, 462); perhaps Nab. *brʾw* (Abbadi 1983, 87; al-Khraysheh

**<sup>36</sup>** Perhaps cf. Βαδδας attested at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 36; 153).

1986, 49; Negev 1991, 17); Saf. and Tham. *brʾ* ʻfree, guiltless' (HIn., 99; WH, 558; Ababneh 2005 nos. 77, 93, 755, 761, 811).

**Attestations** H 34:4, 34:5 (priest),**<sup>37</sup>** 39:1 (priest), 190:1 (blacksmith), 288c:6, 425:3.

#### *bd*/*ry* See *bd*/*rʾ*.

**Attestations** H 406:1.

*bd*/*ryd***/***rʾ* ʻ(Little?) fellow / Little mantle'

Arab male name. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r*>*, different readings are possible.

*bdydʾ*: perhaps *badīd* ʻfellow' (*Lane*, 162), with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix; it may also be a diminutive. Saf. *bddh* (HIn., 97; WH, 557) is connected with ʻdesire, power'.

*bdyrʾ*: perhaps *baḏīr* ʻScattered, or dispersed' or ʻA calumniator' (*Lane*, 173), with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix. Cf. Saf. *bḏr* ʻcalumniator' (HIn., 98).

*brydʾ*: Beyer (1998, 80) interprets it as a nickname ʻDer-dunkle/gesprenkelte'. However, cf. Saf. (HIn., 101; WH, 558; Ababneh 2005 no. 87), Tham. (HIn., 101), and Hism. (King 1990, 367) *brd* ʻmantle': *brydʾ* could be a *CuCayC* diminutive.

**Attestations** H 277:1.

*bd***/***rynšw* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. Perhaps an Aram. theophoric with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš. Less likely MP *brinǰ* ʻrice; bronze, brass' (MacKenzie 1971, 19-20) due to the dubious correspondence between MP /ǰ/ and the Aram. grapheme <š>.

**Attestations** H 1089:1.

*bwšyr* ʻLittle messenger'

**Other readings** *byšwr* (Beyer 2013, 52).

Arab male name. Diminutive of *bašīr* ʻOne who announces to a people [or person] an event, either good or evil' (*Lane*, 208), attested also in

**<sup>37</sup>** The two attestations in H 34 probably refer to grandson and grandfather.

Arab onomastics (al-Jubouri 2010a, 138). Cf. Saf., Sab., Hadr. *bs2r* (HIn., 106-7).

**Attestations** H 444:1.

*blbrk* ʻBēl blessed'

**Other readings** *blbrk* as epithet of *ḥnynʾ* ʻblessed by Bēl' (al-Salihi 1996b, 195).

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Bēl; Arabic verbal form according to Beyer (1998, 112).

Cf. Bēl-barakku (dEN-*ba*-*rak*-*ku*) in the Murašû archive (Stolper 1985 no. 48:20'); attested in Palm. (PAT nos. 1536:6, 1537:7) also in the form *bwlbrk* (Stark 1971, 74; PAT nos. 1526:1,2, 1529:1, 1530:1,2, 1533:1); cf. also *b***[***l***]***brk* (PAT no. 0471:2) with transcription Βωλβαραχου at line 3 of the Greek text; Emesene Βεελβαραχος (Nitta 1989, 289).

**Attestations** H 1037b:1.

#### *blgʾ* See *blgw*

**Attestations** H 52:2.

#### *blgw* ʻShining'

**Other readings** *blgd* (Aggoula 1991, 36-7); *qdm bl gbr* ʻ(Remembered be for good) before Bēl gbr*ʾ* (Beyer 2013, 30 for H 434:4): as remarked by al-Jubouri (2010a, 136), line 4 is written in a different handwriting and thus should be separated from lines 1-3.

Arab male name. Adjective or participle from *baliğa* ʻHe was, or became joyful, glad, or happy; (…) It (the dawn, or daybreak) shone, was bright, or shone brightly' (*Lane*, 245) with nominative suffix according to Abbadi (1983, 87), or perhaps hypoc. Cf. also the form *blgʾ*, probably a surname with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix (H 52:2).

Cf. *blg* in a Palm. inscription found at ʿArqâ, Lebanon (PAT no. 2632:1); Saf. *blgʾ* (HIn., 115), *ʾblg* (HIn., 15), and *bnʾblgn* (WH, 560).

**Attestations** H 44:1, 434:4.

*blʿqb* ʻBēl protected'

Aram. theophoric tribal name. Verbal sentence with theonym Bēl (Abbadi 1983, 55).

Attested as male name in Palm. (Stark 1971, 77; PAT nos. 0283:3 with

transcription Βηλάκαβος in lines 3-4 of the Greek text, 0319:8, 0472:1, 0473:3, 0495:1, *etc.*; Abousamra 2015 no. IB:1); cf. Βηλαακαβος and Βηλακαβος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 43; 172).

**Attestations** H 214:1, 293:3.**<sup>38</sup>**

*bndw* ʻBandū'

**Other readings** *bnry* (Vattioni 1981, 97); *bnd/rw/y* (Abbadi 1983, 190).

Iran. male name, Bandū. Probably hypoc. of a theophoric name (Justi 1895, 62; Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 52) built upon *bandag* ʻservant' (MacKenzie 1971, 17). Cf. Parthian *bndk* ʻDiener' (Schmitt 2016, 76-7).

**Attestations** H 307:1.

#### *brbʿlšmyn* ʻSon of Baʿalšamīn'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with theonym Baʿalšamīn (Abbadi 1983, 87-8).

Attested at Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:4); cf. Old Syr. *brbʿšmn* (OSI nos. Am8:2,11,20, P1:8) and *brbʿšmyn* (OSI no. P2:30);**<sup>39</sup>** Βαρβεσαμην and Βαρβεσουμην at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 38; 159-60).

**Attestations** H 291:1, 314:1.

*brzl* ʻEl appeared'

Arab theophoric male name. Verbal sentence: 3rd m.s. perfect (I) of Arabic *baraza* ʻHe, or it, appeared, or became apparent' (*Lane*, 186) followed by the theonym El with aphaeresis of <ʾ> (Abbadi 1983, 88).

**Attestations** H 288c:6.

**<sup>38</sup>** In both attestations, associated with the Bani Taymu (cf. *tymw*).

**<sup>39</sup>** Cf. the entry *ʾbgr* for OSI nos. P1 and P2.

*brzqyqʾ* ʻSon of Zaqīqā'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Zaqīqā ʻghost; deified ancestor'**<sup>40</sup>** (DNWSI, 339) with det. suffix (Vattioni 1965; Abbadi 1983, 89). Cf. also the form *brzqq*, though its reading is doubtful (Moriggi 2010b, 76).

Cf. Bar-zāqê (<sup>m</sup>*bar*-*za*-*qe*-*e*) in NA texts (PNA 1/II, 274); Βαρζακικη at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 39; 163).

**Attestations** H 24a:1.

#### *brzqq* See *brzqyqʾ*.

**Attestations** H 1068:1.

*brklbʾ* ʻSon of the Dog'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction in which ʻdog' can be considered a theonym thanks to its association with the god Nergol; cf. H 70 and 71, where *klbʾ* is the god's epithet (Abbadi 1983, 64; 89; Dirven 2009, 66-7, 2013a, 152).

Attested in Old Syr. (OSI nos. As48:1, As49:5, As50:5); cf. Βαρχαλβ, Βαρχαλβας, Βαρχαλβος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 41; 169-70). Cf. the EA hypoc. *klbʾ* (Kornfeld 1978, 56; TADC no. 3.26:39; TADD no. 24.9:3) and *klby* (Kornfeld 1978, 56; TADA nos. 4.7:16, 4.8:15; Porten 2016, 8); Palm. *klbʾ* (Stark 1971, 92; PAT nos. 2216Rev:2, 2351Rev:2) and *klby* (Stark 1971, 92; PAT no. 0888:4); Nab. *klbʾ*, *klbw* and *klbn*, with the diminutive *klybw* and *klybt* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 100; Negev 1991, 35); Saf. *klb* (HIn., 502; WH, 606; Ababneh 2005 nos. 307, 468, 474, 807, 1042; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 16, 65; Rawan 2013 no. 228), *bnklbt* (WH, 561), *bnklbn* (HIn., 121, WH, 561); well attested in various ANA dialects (HIn., 502-3).

**Attestations** H 145:1, 317:1, 365a:1.

*brkmrʾ* ʻSon of the priest'

Aram. male name. Genitive construction. Attested in Old Syr. (OSI no. As57:1; Laflı 2016 no. 3:1). See also *kmrʾ*.

**Attestations** H 1103:1.

**<sup>40</sup>** Cf. the invocation to the god in H 1044a (al-Salihi 1996a, 108; Beyer 2013, 40).

*brlbʾ* ʻSon of the Lion'

**Other readings** *br lbʾ* ʻson of NP', in which *lbʾ* ʻGehörig dem (Gott) Bēl' (Beyer 2013, 30).

Aram. theophoric male name. al-Jubouri (2010a, 136) suggests ʻSon of the heart'; it may also be a mistake for *br***<***k***>***lbʾ*. More likely, *lbʾ* is ʻlion'. If Aram, loanword from Akk. attested in the Sayings of Ahiqar (DNWSI, 562); however, since the lion was the goddess Allāt's animal, it may be a loanword from ANA or ASA, cf. Arabic *labuʾ* ʻlion' and *labuʾa* ʻlioness' (*Lane*, 2644; Militarev, Kogan 2005, 196 also for remarks on the Ahiqar attestation).

Cf. Nab. *lbʾ[y]* (Cantineau 1932, 110 uncertain; al-Khraysheh 1986, 102; Negev 1991, 36); Saf. and Sab. *lbʾ* (HIn., 508; WH, 607; Ababneh 2005 nos. 38, 39, 96, 100); Saf., Tham., Sab. *lbʾt* (HIn., 508; WH, 607; Ababneh 2005 nos. 103, 564a, 732, 855; Rawan 2013 no. 282).

**Attestations** H 436:1.

*brnbw* ʻSon of Nabû'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Nabû (Abbadi 1983, 90).

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 79; PAT nos. 0332:2, 0587A:2-B:2-C:1-D:2, 1144:2, 1146:2, 1960:1,2, *etc.*; Yon 2013a no. 43:5); cf. Old Syr. *brnbs* (OSI no. Am3:15); Βαρναβας and Βαρναβους at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 40; 165).

**Attestations** H 203:5, 212:1 (leather-worker, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 140-1).

*brny* ʻSon of Nanaya'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym Nanaya (Abbadi 1983, 90). Cf. also the form *brnyʾ*. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 79; PAT nos. 0903:2, 1920:3, 2797:1) and Old Syr. (OSI nos. As3:3, As60:3, Am7:4; Laflı 2016 no. 2:3); cf. Βαρναιος and Βαρναιους at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 40; 165-6), the first also at Emesa (Nitta 1989, 289 connects it with *brnbw*).

**Attestations** H 408:2.

#### *brnyʾ* See *brny*

**Other readings** *br/dnyʾ* (Degen 1978, 95); *brny* (Aggoula 1991, 144).

**Attestations** H 294:2.

#### *brnny* ʻSon of Nanaya'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Nanaya (Abbadi 1983, 90-1). Attested at Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:5,9) and perhaps at Assur (A 36b:2);**<sup>41</sup>** cf. Βαρναναιος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 40-1; 166).

**Attestations** H 1:1,**<sup>42</sup>** 2:2, 106b:2 (mason), 234:1, 253:2 (tax collector, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 135), 258:3, 258:4 (sculptor), 336a:1, 465:3 (priest of Nanaya), 466:1.

#### *brnšrʾ* ʻSon of Nešra'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Nešra ʻEagle' (Abbadi 1983, 91). Cf. also the form *brnšry*.

**Attestations** H 144:3 (major-domo), 289:2 (sculptor), 399:1 (sculptor).

#### *brnšry* See *brnšrʾ*

**Attestations** H 1093:1.

*brʿy* ʻSon of ʿAtte/Atargatis'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym ʿAtte/Atargatis (Abbadi 1983, 85).

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 79; PAT no. 1407:2 with transcription of its complete form Βαραθ[ους] at line 3 of the Greek text); cf. Palm. *brʿʾ* (Stark 1971, 79; PAT nos. 0059:1 with transcriptions Βαρεας and Βαρεα at line 1 of the Greek text, 0080:1, 0081, 0085, 0086:1,2,3,4,**<sup>43</sup>** *etc.*; Yon 2013a nos. 63:4, 85:3), *brʿtʾ* (Stark 1971, 79; PAT nos. 0246**<sup>44</sup>**


**<sup>41</sup>** This is an alternative reading suggested by Aggoula 1985a, 62. I read […] *nn* […].

with transcription BARATES at line 2 of the Latin text, 1668;**<sup>45</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 39:3), *brʿth* (Stark 1971, 79; PAT nos. 0303:3, 0436:2, 0517:2, 0587A:1-B:1, 0589:4, *etc.*; **<sup>46</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. F1:5; Yon 2013a nos. 43:4, 168:2, 170:4); Old Syr. *brʿtʾ* (OSI nos. As9:1, As19:1, As23:2, Am1:9,13, Cm14:2,4,); at Dura Europos Βαραθας, Βαραθης, Βαρατης (Grassi 2012, 37-8; 157-8) and *brʿtʾ* in a Palm. graffito (PAT no. 1093:1) and in Old-Syr. legal texts (OSI nos. P2:v3,**47** P3:6 found in the vicinity of Dura Europos but written in Marcopolis, Osrhoene).

**Attestations** H 27:5 (priest of Barmaren), 203:1 (preceptor of king Sanaṭrūk?), 240:1 (˹*br*˺*dryʾ* probably tribal name or ethnonym).**<sup>48</sup>**

#### *brʿqbw* ʻSon of the Eagle'

**Other readings** *brʿqb* (Vattioni 1981, 53, 1994, 50); *ʿbdʿqb* (Abbadi 1983, 193 uncertain reading); *brʿtʾ* (Beyer 1998, 156).

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theoynm *ʿqb* ʻEagle', associated with Šamš at Hatra. Cf. Pennacchietti 2007, 396 for parallels with Arabic *ʿuqāb* ʻeagle' (*Lane*, 2102) and *ʿuqqayb* ʻharrier; marsh hawk'; cf. also the entry *ʿqbw*.

**Attestations** H 87:1.

#### *bršʾ* See *bršw*/*y*.

**Other readings** Adjective *bršʾ* ʻLe bariolé' (Aggoula 1972, 41, 1991, 90); *bdšʾ* ʻthe prince (?)' (Ibrahim 1986, 210); [*w*]*ʿbsʾ* (Vattioni 1981, 70, 1994, 56). The plural *lhwn* ʻfor them' (H 188:2) may indicate that the graffito with which the text is associated should have depicted two individuals, *ʾbʾ* and *bršʾ*, but only one was drawn (hand-copy in Safar 1962, 53).

**Attestations** H 188:1.


#### **2 Onomastic Catalogue 43**

*bršw*/*y* ʻSon of Šamš/Šalmān'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (less likely, Šalmān). Due to the almost identical shape of <w> and <y*>*, the name may be *bršw* as well as *bršy*.

I consider the attestation of *bršy* in H 208:1 to be a *nisbe bršyʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 103; personal name in Abbadi 1983, 11; 93). Cf. also the form *bršʾ*.

**Attestations** H 45:1.

*bršmš* ʻSon of Šamš'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Šamš (Beyer 1998, 156).

Attested in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Lipiński 2010, 113 no. O.3658Obv:4), Palm. (Stark 1971, 80; PAT nos. 0257:6,**<sup>49</sup>** 0369:2, 0810:3, 1795:2), and Old Syr. (OSI nos. As4:2, As33:2, Am6:4, Bs3:6); cf. Palm. Βαρσ[α]μου (Yon 2012 no. 508:3-4); Βαρσαμας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 41; 168); Βαρσαμσος at Emesa (Nitta 1989, 289).

**Attestations** H 393c:1, 432a:1, 471:1 (priest), 1095:2, 1115:1.

*bšwn* ʻ(DN is) their Lord'

Akk. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name. Aram. transcription, with assimilation [lš] > [šš] = <š>, of Akk. Bēlšunu (m*be*-*el*-*šu*-*nu*; m*beel*-*šú*-*nu*; mdEN-*šú*-*nu*; mEN-*šú*-*nu*; mEN-*šu*-*nu*; EN-*šú*-*nu*), attested in NA (PNA 1/II, 331-2) and NB texts: in the Ebabbar (Bongenaar 1997, 109; 215; 273; 323; 371; 430) and Ezida (Waerzeggers 2010 no. 114:13, used also as a hypoc., cf. page 691) temple archives, in the Nappāḫu (Baker 2004 nos. 50:13, 143:14, 159:11', 160:5', 179:19, *etc.*), Egibi (Wunsch 2000 nos. 10:3,5, 21:12, 32:6,9, 33:15, 44:17, *etc.*), and Murašû (Stolper 1985 nos. 2:24, 3:25, 11:27, 13:28', 14:32, *etc.*; Donbaz, Stolper 1997 nos. 11:18, 16:26, 31:5,[14],17,le.e., 46:10,u.e., 48:13, *etc.*) archives; cf. also the list in Nielsen 2015, 85-7. Still attested (mEN-*šú*-*nu*) in administrative texts from 1st century BC Babylonia (Van der Spek 1998 nos. 13Rev:37,58, 26Rev:20).

Cf. Aram. *blšn* on NB bricks (CIS II/1 no. 59; Sass, Marzahn 2010, 56; 167), in the Murašû archive (Donbaz, Stolper 1997 no. 60Rev:2' cuneiform mEN-*šú*-*nu*, with Aram. *blš*[*n*(?)] on the reverse) and in an Aram. funerary inscription from Meydancıkkale-Cilicia (Lemaire, Lozachmeur

**<sup>49</sup>** Found at Qaryatein, in the Palmyrene.

1998 no. 2:2,6). Cf. the entry *mrhwn* for the Aram. equivalent of the same name.

**Attestations** H 464:1.

#### *btsmyʾ* ʻDaughter of Samya'

Aram. theophoric female name. Genitive construction with the theonym Samya (Abbadi 1983, 93; Dirven 2005; cf. also Contini, Pagano 2015, 136-7).

Palm. *btšmyʾ* (PAT no. 0034:1) is interpreted by Stark (1971, 81) as ʻdaughter of Šamaš'. Emesene Βασουμος is related by Nitta (1989, 289) to *brsmyʾ*, attested in Palmyra but not in Hatra (see "Concordance").

**Attestations** H 28:1, 36:4 (mother of the crownprince**<sup>50</sup>** ʿAbed-Samya in both occurrences).

#### *gblw* ʻBig'

Arab male name. Adjective *ğabl* ʻBig, thick, coarse, or rough' (*Lane*, 375; Abbadi 1983, 93) with nominative suffix -*w*.

Cf. Palm. female name *gbl* (Stark 1971, 81; PAT no. 0954:1); Nab. *gblw* and *gbylw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 51-2; Negev 1991, 18; Macdonald 1999, 274); Saf. *gbl* and *gblh* (HIn., 152; WH, 563); Sab. *gblm* and *gblt* (HIn., 152).

**Attestations** H 30:2.

#### *gbrhdd* ʻHadad is mighty'

**Other readings** *ʿbdhdd* (Abbadi 1983, 34; Ibrahim 1986, 210). As Hatran <ʿ> is sometimes ligated with the following grapheme, it may also be ʻServant of Hadad', cf. NWS Abdi-Dāda (m*ab-di*-U.U; m*ab*-*da*-U.U) in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 5); *gbrḥdd* (Aggoula 1991, 87).

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Hadad (Beyer 1998, 63); Beyer indicates an Arab name ʻHadad hat (die Familie) wiederhergestellt' as more likely.

Cf., in NA onomastics, the NWS hypoc. Gabbāru (m*gab*-*ba*-*ru*; m*gab*-*bari*; m*ga*-*ba*-*ru*; m*ga*-*ba*-*ri*; m*ga*-*ab*-*ba*-*ru*; m*ga*-*ab*-*bar*; *gab*-*ba*-*ri*; *ga*-*ba*-*ri*; PNA 1/II, 411) and Gabrî (m*gab*-*ri*-*i*; m*gab*-*ri*), and the theophoric Gabri-Il (<sup>m</sup>*gab*-*ri*-DINGIR), which can all be connected with ʻman' or ʻstrong' (PNA 1/II, 416-7). Attested in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Lemaire 2001 no. 6\*:7), in Saf. and Tham. (HIn., 151; Ababneh 2005 nos. 500,

**<sup>50</sup>** On the title of *pṣgrybʾ* cf. most recently Contini, Pagano 2015, 137 with previous bibliography.

503); cf. OffA *gbrd* (Maraqten 1988, 74-5; 147) on a 7th century Assyrian seal, and *gbrʾl* on a 7th century Aram. docket (Röllig 2014 no. 60:14).

**Attestations** H 177:1.

*gdʾ* ʻGad / Fortune'

Aram. or Arab theophoric male name. Hypoc.; theonym Gad with suffix -*ʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 94). Cf. also the entries *gdw* and *gdy*. Attested as Gaddâ (<sup>m</sup>*ga-da-a*; m*ga-da-aʾ*) in NA texts (PNA 1/II, 417), in an Aram. inscription from Teima (Beyer, Livingstone 1987 no. 9A:2), Palm. (Stark 1971, 81; PAT nos. 0180:2, 0327:2, 0381:2, 0455:2, 1195:2, *etc.*; Yon 2013a no. 42:1), at Dura Europos in Palm. inscriptions (PAT nos. 1068:1, 1093:4) and in an Old-Syr. legal text**<sup>51</sup>** (OSI no. P3:26,27). Cf. Saf. *gd* (Ababneh 2005 nos. 102, 153, 345, 400, 443, *etc.*; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 187, 344; Rawan 2013 nos. 94, 118, 186, 192, 291), cf. al-Manaser (2008, 183) for other interpretations.

**Attestations** H 240:1, 246:1.

*gdw* ʻGad / Fortune'

Aram. or Arab theophoric male name. Hypoc.; theonym Gad with suffix -*w* (Beyer 1998, 106). Cf. also the entries *gdʾ* and *gdy*. Attested in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 52; Negev 1991, 18).

**Attestations** H 414a:1.

*gdy* ʻGad / Fortune'

Aram. or Arab theophoric male name. Hypoc.; theonym Gad with suffix -*y* (Abbadi 1983, 94). Cf. also the entries *gdʾ* and *gdw*.

Cf. Gaddî (<sup>m</sup>*ga-di-i-iʾ*) in NA texts, but it may be also a participle of *gdd*  ʻto cut off' (PNA 1/II, 417;**<sup>52</sup>** Sokoloff 2009, 204), and Palm. *gdyʾ* (Stark 1971, 81; PAT nos. 0422:2, 0435:3, 0465:2,6, 0466:3, 0467:2, *etc.*). Perhaps attested in EA (Segal 1983 no. 86:a.5 has *gd*/*ry*) and on a 5th century Aram. seal (Avigad, Sass 1997 no. 799:2).

**Attestations** H 107:1 (reconstructed), 107:2.**<sup>53</sup>**


**53** Grandson and grandfather. The first name is inserted by Aggoula (1991, 67) on prosopographical grounds.

#### *gdyhb* ʻGad gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Gad (Abbadi 1983, 95).

**Attestations** H 4:2-3, 13:2, 23:2, 172:1, 221:1 (major-domo), 279a:1, 396:1, 408:4, 415a:2 (majordomo),**<sup>54</sup>** 440:1, 469:1.

*gwsnʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. Perhaps Syr. *gawsānā* ʻfugitive, one who seeks refuge' (Sokoloff 2009, 218) with det. suffix; the same etymology is proposed for Old-Syr. *gwsy* (OSI no. Am3:1,3,4), already attested on a NA docket (Lemaire 2001 no. 3:11).

Otherwise, Iran. Gušn, Gušniy or Gušnōy (Gignoux 1986, 91 and 2009, 78), or less probably Gauzaina (Tavernier 2007, 189-90), attested in EA as *gwzyn* (Kornfeld 1978, 103). According to De Jong (2013, 156-7) this is the Parthian title *gōsān* ʻminstrel'.

Abbadi (1983, 95) interprets it as a nominal sentence composed with the adjective *gws*, from Arabic *ğasā* (*ğsw*) ʻHe, or it, was, or became, hard, tough, rigid, or stiff' (*Lane*, 425), followed by a hypoc. form of the theonym Nabû or Nanaya. Caquot (1964, 257) refers to Tham. *gs1n*, connected with the same Arabic verb (HIn., 161).

**Attestations** H 130:1.

*gzbry* ʻTreasurer'

**Other readings** *ʿwbdy* (Aggoula 1991, 71), an alternative form of *ʿbdʾ*.

Aram. male name. Iran. loanword *gnzbry* (DNWSI, 229), attested also in NB as *ganzabaru* (AHw, 281; CAD G, 43; Harnack 1970, 547-9; Tavernier 2007, 422), with assimilation [nz] > [zz] = <z> (Abbadi 1983, 13; 95). Attested as a profession name in Parthian Assur (Contini, Pagano 2015, 132).

**Attestations** H 116:1.

**<sup>54</sup>** Perhaps the same individual in H 415a and 469.

*grbʾ* ʻLeprous'

Aram. male (nick?)name. Noun or adjective with det. or hypoc. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 96). Attested as a nickname or surname in H 230:2, for which cf. the entry *mhrdt*.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 82; PAT nos. 0294:2 with transcription Γαβ[β]ᾰ at line 2 of the Greek text,**<sup>55</sup>** 0885:5); Stark proposes also ʻbottle' (DNWSI, 232-3); cf. Min. *grb* (HIn., 157) and Saf. *grbn* (HIn., 157; Ababneh 2005 no. 139; Al-Jallad 2015, 315).

**Attestations** H 71:1, 230:2, 1080:1.

*grwt* ʻYoung lioness'

**Other readings** *gdwt* ʻGabe, Geschenk' (Abbadi 1983, 12; 94), from Arabic *ğadwā* with f. suffix; *gdwt* (Vattioni 1981, 45, 1994, 48); *gdwt* ʻbrand' (Odishu 1990, 459) from Arabic *ğaḏwa*; *gryt* ʻMädchen' (Beyer 1998, 44).

Arab female name. Arabic *ğarū*/*ğirū*/*ğurū* ʻThe whelp, or young one (…) of any beast of prey', especially of a lion (*Lane*, 415). I follow the reading by Aggoula (1991, 47-8), paralleled by the occurrence of *grt* ʻyoung girl' in H 37:2. Cf. Bedouin Arabic Grêw ʻKleiner Hund' (Hess 1912, 15).

**Attestations** H 63:1.

#### *grmʾlt* ʻAllāt decided'

Arab theophoric male name. Verbal sentence: Arabic *ğarama* (*Lane*, 412)**<sup>56</sup>** followed by the theonym Allāt. Cf. also the form *grmlt* with aphaeresis of <ʾ>.

Cf. Palm. hypoc. *grmy* (Stark 1971, 82; PAT no. 1717:2); Old Syr. *grmw* (OSI nos. Am2:3,10,11, Cm1:2, Cm7:1); Emesene Γαρμαιος (Nitta 1989, 290); Nab. *grmʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 56; Negev 1991, 19), *grmw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 56-7; Negev 1991, 20), diminutive *grymw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 55; Negev 1991, 19); Saf. *grm* (HIn., 159; WH, 564; Ababneh 2005 nos. 239, 439, 452, 1119; al-Manaser 2008, 104; Rawan 2013 nos. 127, 199, 204) attested also in Dad. (Farès-Drappeau 2005 no. D61:2), Hism. (King 1990, 381-2), Tham., Sab., and Min. (HIn., 159), *grmy* (Ababneh 2005 no. 10; al-Manaser 2008, nos. 157, 158), and numerous theophoric names such as *grmʾl* (HIn., 159; WH, 565; Ababneh

**<sup>55</sup>** Γαρβα according to Yon 2012 no. 87:2.

**<sup>56</sup>** Attested also in Syr. as *grm* but the theonym Allāt points at an Arab origin.

2005 nos. 259, 260, 266, 267, 1068; al-Manaser 2008, 90, 104, 173, 184, 239, 373).

**Attestations** H 193:3.

#### *grmlt* See *grmʾlt*.

**Attestations** H 288a:6.

*ddʾ* ʻPaternal uncle'

Aram. theophoric male name. Theonym Dāda ʻpaternal uncle' with det. or hypoc. suffix. Cf. also the form *ddy*, perhaps with 1st s. pronominal suffix. Aggoula (1985b, 282) suggests ʻbeloved' (DUL, 262; Sokoloff 2009, 275), or a hypoc. form of the theonym Hadad with aphaeresis of <h>. Attested in NA onomastics as Dāda (m*da*-*a*-*da*; PNA 1/II, 358) and in Aram. epigraphs on NA tablets (Maraqten 1988, 76; 151; Lemaire 2001 no. 3:9; Lipiński 2010, 154 no. O.3716Rev:9; 161 no. O.3656Rev:9; 169 no. O.3657Obv:6); cf. perhaps Palm. *ddywn* (Stark 1971, 83; PAT no. 0053:6); Emesene Διδας (Nitta 1989, 291); Saf., Dad., Tham. *dd*, although it may be related to Arabic *dād* ʻfun' (HIn., 236; WH, 573; Ababneh 2005 nos. 548, 821, 947, 1024; Rawan 2013 nos. 47, 63, 81, 103).

**Attestations** H 389:1.

#### *ddy* See *ddʾ*.

**Attestations** H 431:1, 1043:1.

*dd*/*ršy* Uncertain meaning.

Theophoric male name. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r*>*, two readings are possible.

*ddšy*: is interpreted by Abbadi (1983, 99) as a nominal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš ʻ(My) paternal uncle is Šamš'; cf. the entry *ddʾ* and Aggoula (1991, 118) for *dd*(*y*) ʻmon bien aimé'.

*dršy*: nominal sentence, ʻŠamš is merciful', again by Abbadi (1983, 99). This rests upon the attestations of the Saf. theophoric *drʾl* (HIn., 238; WH, 574; Ababneh 2005 no. 489): cf. Ababneh (2005, 244) for a discussion of the different interpretations. Beyer (1998, 105) reads *dršy* also in H 413d:5, but the text is too damaged to allow for a certain reading.

**Attestations** H 235:2.

#### *d*/*rwšmhr* ʻDōšmihr / Rōzmihr (?)'

Iran. theophoric male name. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r*>*, two readings are possible (Abbadi 1983, 97-8).

*dwšmhr* may be *daoša*-*Mithra* ʻMithra is (my) friend' (Vattioni 1994, 50; Beyer 1998, 49-50). Cf. also the entries *mhrʾ* and *mhrdt*.

As to *rwšmhr*, the parallel with *rōz-Mihr* ʻThe day of Mithra' (Justi 1895, 266; Caquot 1963, 8; Aggoula 1991, 59) is not very likely since Iran. [z] does not correspond to Aram. <š*>* (Abbadi 1983, 98; cf. the names listed in Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 119-20).

**Attestations** H 83:4.

#### *dwšpry* ʻDōšfarre'

**Other readings** *rwšpry* (Aggoula 1991, 32 in H 37:2), adjective *rw*, a form of *rb* ʻgrand' that would testify to a weakening of [b], followed by *špry* ʻma beauté'.

Iran. theophoric female name, Dōšfarre ʻFarr(ah) is (my) friend' (Abbadi 1983, 98). The theonym Farr(ah), which first indicated the divine splendour and later ʻ(good) fortune', in the Aram. context is associated with Gad (MacKenzie 1971, 96 s.v. *xwarrah*). Aggoula (1991, 31) suggests for the occurrence in H 36:2 ʻHadad est ma beauté'.

Cf. Palm. attestation of the theonym in the form *prn***<***k***>** (Stark 1971, 109; PAT no. 0342:3).

**Attestations** H 36:2, 37:2 (royal princess in both attestations), 112:8.

#### *dyns* ʻDeinis'

Greek male name, Δεῖνις (Moriggi forthcoming).

**Attestations** H 1099:1.

#### *dmgw* ʻCompanion'

**Other readings** *rmgw* in all publications except Beyer (1998, 2002, 2013).

Arab male name. Arabic *dimğ* ʻA friend, or companion' (*Lane*, 912; ʻGenosse' in Beyer 1998, 102) with nominative suffix. In H 406, 408, and 409 it is very likely a tribal name.

Attested in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 59-60; Negev 1991, 21); cf. Tham. *dmg* (HIn., 243) and perhaps Ug. *dmgy* (Gröndahl 1967, 124).

**Attestations** H 406:1, 408:3,5, 409c:7, 413b:3, 413d:3, 414c:2, 1053:2.

#### *dmywn* ʻDamiōn'

Greek male name, Δαμίων (Abbadi 1983, 98). Arab name in Odishu (1990, 475).

**Attestations** H 228:1.

*drm* Uncertain meaning.

Probably Arab male name. Perhaps active participle of *darama* ʻslowwalker', attested in Palm. as a female name, although the reading of <d*>* is not certain (*d? rm* in Stark 1971, 84; PAT no. 1783:2; al-Jubouri 2010a, 134). Stark interprets it as ʻslow-walker'; however, cf. Saf. *drm* ʻgentle boy' (HIn., 239; Ababneh 2005 no. 133), whereas Hism. *ʾdrm* is connected with *dārim* ʻplump' (King 1990, 355).

**Attestations** H 427:2.

#### *hblʾ* ʻHubal'

**Other readings** *ʿbdblʾ* (Vattioni 1981, 41); missing in Aggoula (1991, 40); *d/rḥ/ṣb/klʾ* (Vattioni 1994, 46); *rhblʾ* ʻWillkommen der Allāt' (Beyer 1998, 41).

Arab theophoric male name. Theonym Hubal with hypoc. suffix -*ʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 99). Cf. the Nab. theophoric *bnhbl* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 48, found near Naples) and *brhbl* (Negev 1991, 17).

**Attestations** H 50:2.

#### *hdyrt* ʻThe splendid one'

Aram. female name. Adjective *hdyr* ʻsplendid, distinguished' (Aggoula 1990, 412-3; Sokoloff 2009, 331). The suffix -*t* may be a defective writing of the f.s. determinate suffix due to apocope of <ʾ> or point to the Arabicization of an Aram. name (cf. "Linguistic Analysis").

**Attestations** H 410:1 (*gnytʾ*, i.e. female spirit or deified ancestor).

*hybšw* ʻReverent of Šamš (?)'

**Other readings** *hwbšw* (Vattioni 1981, 67, 1994, 54; Abbadi 1983, 99), nominal pattern *CawCaC* from Arabic *habaša* ʻto collect, gain, earn' (Lane, 2875), with nominative suffix; *hybšr* (Abbadi 1983, 187 amended to *hwbšw*; Aggoula 1991, 79 for H 148:1); *ḥr/dyšw* (Aggoula (1991, 84); *hybš[…]*  (Beyer 1998, 59 for H 148:1).

Arab theophoric male name. Uncertain reading: I follow Beyer (1998, 62). Probably theophoric name: genitive construction with Arabic adjective *hayyib* or active participle *hāʾib*, from *hāba* (*hyb*) ʻHe revered, venerated, respected, honoured, dreaded, or feared' (*Lane*, 2908-9), followed by a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš.

**Attestations** H 165:1.

*hkyd*/*rd*/*r* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *ʿkyq* (Vattioni 1981, 52); *hkyq* (Aggoula 1991, 59; Beyer 1998, 49-50).

Male name. Uncertain reading; *hkyd*/*rd*/*r* is the most plausible (Caquot 1963, 8). Perhaps Iran. (Abbadi 1983, 100; Bertolino 2008, 10); the final part could be the suffix -*dār* ʻto hold firmly' (Tavernier 2007, 552).

**Attestations** H 83:1 (fire priest?).**<sup>57</sup>**

#### *hny* ʻSafe / Pleasing'

Arab male name. Active participle of *hanuʾa* ʻIt came, or happened, without inconvenience, or trouble; it was pleasant, or productive of enjoyment' (*Lane*, 2902; Abbadi 1983, 100).

Cf. Palm. *hnʾy* (Stark 1971, 84; PAT nos. 0876:5, 1897:7); at Dura Europos Ανναιος and Αννεος (Grassi 2012, 25; 143-4); Nab. *hnʾ* (Negev 1991, 22), *hnʾw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 63; Negev 1991, 22), diminutive *hnyʾw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 63; Negev 1991, 22); Saf. *hny* (HIn., 628 interpreted as a diminutive), *hnʾ* (HIn., 625; WH, 650; Ababneh 2005 no. 86; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 7, 28, 58, 85, 370, 388; Rawan 2013 nos. 152,

**<sup>57</sup>** The Iran. loanword *hdrpṭʾ* is interpreted as the transcription of the title ʻfire priest' in the *editio princeps* (Safar 1961, 25-6) and by Harnack (1970, 496-508 ʻFeuerpriester') and Aggoula (1985a, 18 ʻmaître du feu (?)') among others. This interpretation is questioned by Greenfield (1988, 136 n. 10), who suggests alternatively ʻchiliarch'; cf. ʻOberst' in Beyer 1998, 174. Cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 133-4 for a full discussion, which stresses also the fact that the Hatra attestation occurs on a fire altar. Attested also as personal name, Hīrbed (Justi 1895, 130), but cf. Hazārbed in Syr. literature (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 79 ʻchef de mille (hommes)').

340, 342, 344) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 477), Dad., Tham., Min. (HIn., 625), *hnʾt* (HIn., 625; al-Manaser 2008 no. 393) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 477-8), Tham., Qat. (HIn., 625).

**Attestations** H 101:1.

*whby* ʻGift (of DN) / (DN) gave'

Arab male name. Hypoc.; either noun *wahb* or 3rd m.s. perfect (I) of *wahaba* with hypoc. suffix -*y* (Beyer 1998, 99).

Cf. Uabu (<sup>m</sup>*ú*-*a*-*bu*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1352); *whbʾ* and *whbw* in 4th century ostraka from Beersheba (Maraqten 1988, 78; 156). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 85; PAT nos. 0044:2, 0163:2,3, 0164:1, 0191:2, 0193:2, *etc.*; **<sup>58</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 24:2; Yon 2013a no. 59:1) also in the form *whbʾ* (Stark 1971, 85; PAT nos. 0022:1, 0354:1, 0359:4, 0685:2,5, 0686:6, *etc.*; Yon 2013a no. 119:5); cf. Nab. *whb* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 67; Negev 1991, 24), *whbʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 67), *whbw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 68; Negev 1991, 24) and numerous theophoric names; Saf. *whb* (HIn., 651; Ababneh 2005 no. 15; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 24, 35, 39, 49, 50, *etc.*; Rawan 2013 nos. 149, 158, 219, 221, 322) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 483), Tham., Min., and Sab. (HIn., 651), Saf. and Min. *whbt* (HIn., 652), and numerous theophoric names.

**Attestations** H 381:2 (perhaps ʻclient' of the major-domo ʾAspād/ʾAspār).**<sup>59</sup>**

*whybʾ* ʻLittle gift (?)'

**Other readings** *yhybʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 47-8; Beyer 1998, 44-5), but <w> and <y> in these inscriptions display clearly different shapes.

Arab male name. Probably diminutive from *wahaba* with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 100-1). Cf. the entry *whby* for onomastic parallels.

**Attestations** H 62:2, 65:4.

*wylt* ʻShe who seeks refuge'

Arab male name. F. active participle of *waʾala* (Abbadi 1983, 101), cf. MSA *mawʾil* ʻZuflucht, Asyl' (Wehr 1985, 1371).

**58** Cf. also PAT no. 1217:3 with transcription Οὐαβαίου at line 4 of the Greek text.

**59** Cf. Dirven 2008, 218.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 53**

Cf. Old Syr. *wʾl* (OSI nos. As20:8, As45:1, As46:1, As47:2,3,4, Am11:4, *etc*.); Nab. *wʾl* (Negev 1991, 23), *wʾlw* (male and female, al-Khraysheh 1986, 64-5; Negev 1991, 23; also in the Babatha archive from Naḥal Ḥever, cf. Lewis, Yadin, Greenfield 1989 no. 12:13), *wʾln* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 65; Negev 1991, 23), *wʾlt* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 65; Negev 1991, 23); Saf. *wʾl* (HIn., 632; WH, 650; al-Manaser 2008 no. 127) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 478-9), Tham., Sab., Min. (HIn., 632), *wʾln* (HIn., 633) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 479) and Sab. (HIn., 633), *wʾlt* (HIn., 632, both male and female) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 479), Tham., Sab., Qat. (HIn., 632); Sab. and Hadr. *wʾlm* (HIn., 632).

**Attestations** H 52:2.

#### *wlgš* ʻWalgaš'

Iran. male name, Walgaš (Abbadi 1983, 102), known also in the transcriptions Οὐολογέσης and Vologeses (Justi 1895, 344-6). Attested in epigraphic Parthian (Schmitt 2016, 224-5), in an Old-Syr. inscription from Dura Europos (OSI no. Bs1:1), and in Syr. literature (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 136).

**Attestations** H 33:1, 140:3 (lord), 193:1 (king of Arabs), 285:1 (lord), 286:3 (king), 348:1 (lord), 366:2, 366:3.**<sup>60</sup>**

*wnwk* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *w/knwk* (Degen 1978, 89); *bnwn(?)* ʻSon of the fish' (Aggoula 1991, 142-3): it could reference the Pisces constellation, cf. Aram. *nwn* (DNWSI, 722) and Akk. *nūnu* (AHw, 803-4; CAD N/2, 336-41).

Iran. male name. Abbadi (1983, 102) suggests the transcription of the Iran. Wanak (Justi 1895, 347), attested also in Achaemenid Mesopotamia (<sup>m</sup>*ma*-*na*-*ak*-*ka*4; m*ma*-*na*-*ka*4; m*man*-*na*-*ak*-*ka*4; m*man*-*na*-*ka*4; Tavernier 2007, 336 ʻvictorious'), with a shift [a] > [ū]. More likely, the suffix -*uk* could be a hypoc. (Sima 2000, 166). Beyer (1998, 158) suggests also a possible Arab derivation.

**Attestations** H 292:1, 1031a:1.

**<sup>60</sup>** The two attestations in H 366 refer to father and son.

#### *wrdn* ʻWardān'

**Other readings** *wrdnb* (Vattioni 1981, 31, 1994, 42); *wrdnb[w]* (Sima 1995-96, 318).

Iran. male name, Wardān ʻrose', known also in the transcriptions Ὀρδάνης/Ὀρδώνης (Justi 1895, 351-3; Abbadi 1983, 102; Gignoux 1986, 174; Sima 2000, 166; Schmitt 2016, 227).

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 85; PAT nos. 0072:2, 0073:3, 0075:2, 0184:4, 1722:1,4**<sup>61</sup>**); cf. Saf. *wrd* and *wrdn* (HIn., 640), which testify to the presence of this Iran. loanword in ANA onomastics and lexicon; perhaps Ουερδιανος at Emesa (Nitta 1989, 295).

**Attestations** H 20:1, 1035b:3,**<sup>62</sup>** 1086:1.

#### *wrwd* ʻWorōd'

Iran. male name, Worōd, known also in the transcriptions Ὑρώδης/ Ὀρώδης and Orodes (Justi 1895, 133; Abbadi 1983, 103; Sima 2000, 166; cf. also Schmitt 2016, 237 for the uncertain etymology). Cf. EA *wrd* (Kornfeld 1978, 106, TADC no. 3.14:15); attested in LB texts as a Parthian royal name (<sup>m</sup>*ú*-*ru*-*da*-*a*; Zadok 2009, 319-20), in the Parthian inscriptions of Elymais (Gzella 2008, 113-6 nos. 1:1, 3:4, 6:1-2; 119-20 no. 5:1), perhaps at Assur (A 12:1?), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 85; PAT nos. 0063, 0283:1, 0284:2, 0285:1, 0286:1, *etc.*; Yon 2013a no. 77:4), in Old-Syr. legal texts from Dura Europos**<sup>63</sup>** (OSI nos. P2:iv,9,20,22,24,27, P3:i,6,22,v1,v6), in Syr. literature (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 110). At Palmyra, Οὐορώδην is attested in the Greek sections of PAT nos. 0283, 0284, 0285, 0286, *etc.*

**Attestations** H 60:1 (major-domo), 102:1, 123:1 (lord), 144:2 (major-domo), 210:1, 233:1,2 (lord), 261:1 (2x),**<sup>64</sup>** 262:1, 263:1 (2x),**<sup>65</sup>** 266:1 (lord), 267:1 (lord), 468:2 (major-domo of Marten), 1072:1.**<sup>66</sup>**


**66** Add the attestations of this royal name on Hatrene coins (Hartmann, Luther 2002). The alleged attestation of Lord Worōd in H 189:3, instead, is excluded due to a new reading of this inscription (Foietta, Marcato 2018).

*zbgʾ* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *zbʿʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 124) theophoric name ʻʿUzzā wanted'.

Male name. Either ʻlizard' as JBA *zbwgʾ* (Sokoloff 2002b, 397) with det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 103), or Iran. Zābōg, perhaps a hypoc. from *zapa*-ʻtromperie' (Gignoux 1986, 193), with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix -*ʾ*.

**Attestations** H 249:1.

#### *zbdy* ʻGift / (DN) gave'

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name; either Aram. *zbd* / Arabic *zabd* ʻgift', or Aram. verb *zbd* ʻto make a gift' (Abbadi 1983, 103; Sokoloff 2009, 362) with hypoc. suffix -*y*.

Attested in OA and OffA (Maraqten 1988, 78; 157; Röllig 2014 nos. 7:1, 12:3), on NB bricks from Babylon (Sass, Marzahn 2010, 66; 167-8), and in a papyrus from Samaria (Dušek 2007 no. 36 frg.7:2), perhaps also in the form *zbdh* (Dušek 2007 no. 19:2, uncertain reading). Cf. in NA onomastics Zabdâ (m*za*-*ab*-*da*-*a*; m*zab*-*da*-*a*) and Zabdî (m*za*-*ab*-*di*-*i*; m*zabdi*-*i*; m*zib*-*di*-*i*; PNA 3/II, 1428); Zabdiya (<sup>m</sup>*zab-di-ia*) in the Egibi (Wunsch 2000 no. 132:10') and Murašû archives (Stolper 1985 nos. 79:3, 98:15, 102:18; Donbaz, Stolper 1997 nos. 84:10,r.e., 94:3, 104:13.le.e.). Cf. *zbd* in an ostrakon in Hatran script found at Kifrin (F 12; Moriggi *forthcoming*); Palm. *zbd* (Stark 1971, 85; PAT nos. 0416:3, 0581:2, 0837B:3), *zbdʾ* (Stark 1971, 85; PAT nos. 0005:5,6, 0040:2, 0042:15, 0107:2, 0108:2, *etc.*; **<sup>67</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. 55:2, 57:3; Yon 2013a nos. 116:2, 166:4), *zbdy* (Stark 1971, 85; PAT no. 0329; Abousamra 2015 no. IVA:2 with transcription Ζαβδαιου at IVB:2); at Dura Europos Ζαββαιος, Ζαβδαιος, Ζαβδας, and Ζαβδους (Grassi 2012, 56-7; 191-3) together with Palm. *zbdʾ* (PAT no. 1100:1); Emesene Ζαβδαιος (Nitta 1989, 291); Nab. *zbdʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 72; Negev 1991, 25; Macdonald 1999, 275), *zbdw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 72; Negev 1991, 25), *zbdy* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 72; Negev 1991, 25); Saf. *zbd* (HIn., 294; WH, 579; Ababneh 2005 nos. 373, 648; al-Manaser 2008 no. 179) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 405), Tham. and Sab. (HIn., 294); Saf. and Min. *zbdy* (HIn., 294; WH, 579).

**Attestations** H 289a:2 (scribe), 1034:1.

**67** Cf. PAT no. 0293:2 with transcription Ζάβδας at line 3 of the Greek text.

*zbw*/*yd* ʻBestowed / Given (by DN) / Little gift'

**Other readings** *zbyd* (Abbadi 1983, 18; 104); *zbydʿšy* ʻGeschenkter des (Gottes) ʿAštar' (Beyer 1998, 69).

Aram. or Arab male name. Due to the almost identical shape of <w> and <y*>*, two readings are possible.

If Aram., m. passive participle of *zbd* ʻto make a gift', either a Canaanite (*zbwd*) or an Aram. pattern (*zbyd*); if Arabic, *zbyd* could be a diminutive of *zabd* ʻgift'.

*zbwd* is attested in EA (TADB no. 3.2:14), Palm. (Stark 1971, 86; PAT nos. 0391:3, 0442:1, tribal name in 1351:3), also in the form *zbwdw* (PAT no. 1447:3); cf. NWS Zabūdu (<sup>m</sup>*za*-*bu*-*du*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1430), in Achaemenid Babylonia (Stolper 1985 no. 19:3,21 for the Murašû archive; Pearce, Wunsch 2014 no. 47:7); probably Ζεβυδας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 58; 198); Nab. *zbwdw* (Negev 1991, 25); Ζαβοῦδος in the Babatha archive from Naḥal Ḥever (Lewis, Yadin, Greenfield 1989 no. 5ai:6).

As to *zbyd*, attested also in Sab. (HIn., 295); cf. Palm. *zbydʾ* (Stark 1971, 86; PAT nos. 0021:1, 0044:2, 0172:3, 0178:2, 0192:3, *etc.*; **<sup>68</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. 14:2, 21:2, 22:2, 31:1,3, 32:4, *etc.*; Yon 2013a nos. 55:2, 65:1, 82:3, 92:2, *etc.*) and Emesene Ζεβειδος (Nitta 1989, 291).

**Attestations** H 209:2 (plasterer).

*zbyʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. If Aram., perhaps gentilic ʻfrom the Zab river', attested in NA onomastics as Zabāiu (<sup>m</sup>*za*-*ba*-*a*-*a*; m*za*-*ba*-*a*-*a*-*u*; PNA 2/II, 1426-7). If Arab, hypoc. of a name built upon *zabd* ʻgift' with apocope of <d> and hypoc. suffix -*yʾ*; cf. *zby* in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 48) and Palm. (Stark 1971, 86; PAT nos. 0292:3, 0293:3 with transcription Ζαββαιος at line 4 of the Greek text, 0416:2, 1994:1, 2743:8**<sup>69</sup>**). Otherwise, adjective from *zabba* ʻHe (a man) had abundant and long hair; was hairy' (*Lane*, 1208) hence ʻhairy', probably with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix. Harding (HIn., 295) connects Saf. and Sab. *zby* to *zabā* (*zby*) ʻHe bore it, carried it, took it up and carried it, conveyed it, etc'. (*Lane*, 1214).

**Attestations** H 1123:1.

**68** Cf. also PAT no. 0279:2 with transcriptions Ζεβείδαν at line 1 and Ζεβείδου at line 2 of the Greek text.

**69** Add perhaps PAT no. 1684B:1, from the Palmyrene.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 57**

*zbydw* ʻLittle gift'

Arab male name. Diminutive of Arabic *zabd* ʻgift' with nominative suffix (Abbadi 1983, 104; cf. also Stark 1971, 86).

Attested in OffA (Maraqten 1988, 78; 158), at Qabr Abū Nāif (Q 1:3,5), and in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 73; Negev 1991, 25) also in the form *zbydt* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 73; Negev 1991, 25).

**Attestations** H 46:1, 106b:1, 234:1.**<sup>70</sup>**

#### *zd*/*rwqʾ* See *zd*/*rqʾ*

**Attestations** H 408:8.

#### *zd*/*rqʾ* ʻPious / Blue'

Aram. male name. Proper name (H 4:3, 408:8) and nickname or surname (H 5:4, 232b:1). Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r*>*, two readings are possible. Cf. also the form *zd*/*rwqʾ*.

*zdqʾ*: ʻThe pious one' from *ṣdq* ʻcorrect, justifiable in conduct' (DNWSI, 963-4) with the shift [ṣ] > [z] attested also in Palm., Syr. and Nab., and det. suffix. Cf. the Hatran attestations of *zdq* as a royal epithet (DNWSI, 963). Cf. *ṣdq* in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Lemaire 2001 no. 20:2) and in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 69; TADB nos. 2.1:2, 2.2:8, 2.3:6); cf. Palm. theophoric *zdql* (Stark 1971, 86; PAT no. 2796:3) and Nab. *zdq* (Cantineau 1932, 92).

*zrqʾ*: adjective ʻblue' (DNWSI, 243) with det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 106), probably to be taken as ʻblue-eyed'. Cf. Nab. *zrq* (Negev 1991, 27); Saf. *zrq* is interpreted as a diminutive (HIn., 297).

**Attestations** H 4:3, 5:4,**<sup>71</sup>** 232b:1.

**70** The two individuals named *zbydw* attested in H 106b and 234 belong very likely to the same family: great-grandson and great-grandfather respectively.

**71** Likely the same individual in H 5 and 232b.

*zdy* ʻZādōy'

**Other readings** Vattioni (1981, 87), Abbadi (1983, 105), and Bertolino (2008, 10) propose also *zry*, from Arabic *zarā* (*zry*) ʻHe blamed, found fault with, or reproved' (Lane, 1229).

Iran. male name. Diminutive of Āzādbeh (Justi 1895, 53; 378) according to Abbadi (1983, 105); more likely, hypoc. Zādōy ʻborn', cf. Syr. *zdwy* (Sima 2000, 166; Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 148-9), or MP Zād (Gignoux 2003, 70).

**Attestations** H 264:1.

*zydʾlt* ʻAllāt's increase (Increase thanks to Allāt)'

**Other readings** *[ʿ]wydʾlt* (Vattioni 1981, 72; Abbadi 1983, 188; Aggoula 1991, 93 suggests also *zydʾlt*; Beyer 1998, 66).

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction: *zayd* ʻincrease' from *zāda* (*zyd*) ʻIt increased, or augmented, or grew' (*Lane*, 1275) and the theonym Allāt (Abbadi 1983, 105).

Cf. OffA hypoc. *zyd* at Teima (Maraqten 1988, 79; 159); Old Syr. *zydlt* (OSI no. Am8:2,6,9,10,13,15,17,19,21); Ζηδαιος and perhaps Ζοδος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 58; 59; 199; 200); Nab. *zyd* (Negev 1991, 26), *zydʾ* (Negev 1991, 26; Macdonald 1999, 275), *zydw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 73-4; Negev 1991, 26; Yadin et al. 2002 nos. 1:55,62, 2:44), *zydywn* (Negev 1991, 26), and the theophoric *zydʾlbʿly* (Negev 1991, 26), *zydʾlhy* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 73; Negev 1991, 26), *zydmnwtw* (Negev 1991, 26), *zydnbw* (Negev 1991, 26), *zydqwm* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 74; Negev 1991, 26), *zydqwmw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 74); Saf. *zd* (HIn., 296; WH, 579; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 78, 390) and *zyd* (HIn., 304; WH, 580) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 405; 408), Dad., Tham., Min. (HIn., 296; 304), numerous theophoric names such as *zdʾl* (HIn., 296; WH, 579) and *zydʾl* (HIn., 304; WH, 580) attested also in Dad. (Hidalgo-Chacón Díez 2009, 178), Sab., Qat., Min. (HIn., 304); Sab. and Min. *zydlt* (HIn., 304).

**Attestations** H 195:3.

*zkyʾ* ʻPure / Victorious'

Aram. male name. Perhaps hypoc. of a theophoric name. Moriggi (forthcoming) notes the uncertain reading of the first two letters. The adjective *zkyʾ* is attested in Hatran inscriptions as a royal epithet ʻvictorious' (Beyer 1998, 174 ʻsiegreich'); cf. the common Aram. meaning ʻpure, innocent'.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 86; PAT no. 1704:1**<sup>72</sup>**). Cf. Zakkâ (m*za*-*kaa*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1432); *zkʾ* in a 6th century Aram. seal (Avigad, Sass 1997 no. 792:1) and a Hebr. seal (Avigad, Sass 1997 no. 674:2); Ζαχια at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 57; 196); *zky* in Old Syr. (OSI no. As26:2) and Ezra 2:9; Nab. *zkyw* (Negev 1991, 26); Saf. and Tham. *zky* (HIn., 300).

**Attestations** H 1108:2.

*znʾ* ʻZēna'

Iran. male name. From *zīn*/*zaena* ʻweapon' (Justi 1895, 520), probably with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix (Beyer 2013, 43). Attested at Saʿdīya (S 1:5,11; cf. also Sima 2000, 166).

**Attestations** H 1052:1.

*zqyʾ* ʻWaterskin / Dropsical'

Aram. male name. Abbadi (1983, 106) suggests Arabic *ziqq* ʻA skin for holding wine, etc'. (*Lane*, 1238), which however is already attested in Aram. as *zq* (DNWSI, 339), also as a possible loanword in Akk. (Abraham, Sokoloff 2011, 57). Beyer (1998, 159) considers it a *nisbe*, hence a possible nickname ʻDer wie ein Schlauch aussehende'. Perhaps reference is made to a physical defect, cf. Syr. *zeqqāyā* ʻdropsical' (CSD, 625). Cf. Palm. *zqʾ*, probably a surname (Stark 1971, 87; PAT no. 1133:1).

**Attestations** H 322:1.

*ḥbʾ* ʻ(DN) loved'

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with suffix -*ʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 107).

Attested in Palm. both as a male (Stark 1971, 87; PAT nos. 0044:1, 0045:1, 0751:4, 0909:3, 1331B:1, *etc.*) and female name (PAT nos. 0672:1, 0678:1, 0731:8, 0803:3, 0873:2, *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski Yon 2012 no. 50:1); also in the form *ḥby* (Stark 1971, 87; PAT nos. 0053:6, 0314:4(2x), 0586:1, 0600:2, 2741:6,8;**<sup>73</sup>** Yon 2013a no. 11c:1); cf. Nab. *ḥbw* (male and female, al-Khraysheh 1986, 75; Negev 1991, 27) and *ḥby* (Negev 1991, 27); Saf. and Tham. *ḥb* (HIn., 172; WH, 567; Ababneh


2005 no. 194) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 384) and *ḥby* (HIn., 175; WH, 567).

**Attestations** H 153:1, 159:1, 169:1.

*ḥbbw* ʻBeloved'

**Other readings** Aggoula (1990, 410) suggests either the male counterpart of Palm. female *ḥbbt* (PAT no. 0759:1), or *ḥwbw* ʻLove (of DN)'.

Arab male name. M. adjective or diminutive form; with -*w* suffix (Beyer 1998, 103). For more ancient attestations, cf. the entry *ḥbyb*.

**Attestations** H 408:8.

*ḥbw*/*ysʾ* ʻCaptive'

**Other readings** *ḥbwšʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 14).

Arab male name. Due to the strong similarity between the <w> and <y*>* in this inscription, two readings are possible.

*ḥbwsʾ*: *CaCCūC* form from *ḥabasa* ʻto imprison' (*Lane*, 500) with either hypoc. or det. (in case of an Aramaization of the name) suffix (Abbadi 1983, 107; Beyer 1998, 32).

*ḥbysʾ*: *CaCīC* form with either hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix.

Perhaps cf. in NA onomastics Ḫabbussu (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa*-*bu*-*su*), Ḫabsu (<sup>m</sup>*ḫab*-*si*; PNA 2/I, 436-7), Ḫambussu (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa*-*am*-*bu*-*su*) or the female Ḫambustu (MÍ*ḫa*-*am*-*bu*-*su*; PNA 2/I, 447), none of which, however, possess a certain etymology (cf. also Zadok 1977, 120; 133; 135); perhaps also Emesene Αββωσαμος, which Nitta (1989, 286) connects with Saf., Tham., Sab. *ḥbs<sup>1</sup>* ʻprisoner' or ʻdedicated' (HIn., 173; WH, 567; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 94, 312 also *ḥabs* ʻTapferkeit').

**Attestations** H 16b:1 (mason).

*ḥbyb* ʻLoved (by DN) / Beloved'

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name. Aram. passive participle or Arab adjective or diminutive (Abbadi 1983, 108). Cf. also the Arab form *ḥbybw* with nominative suffix.

Cf. Palm. *ḥbybʾ* (Stark 1971, 87; PAT no. 0148:1) and *ḥbyby* (Stark 1971,

87; PAT nos. 0250:1 with transcription HABIBI at line 2 of the Latin text,**<sup>74</sup>** 0306:4, 0666:1, 0667:1,2, 0668A:1,2, 0870:2; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 46:1); Αββειβας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 14; 110-1); Nab. *ḥbybw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 75-6; Negev 1991, 27); Saf. *ḥbb* (HIn., 172; WH, 567; Ababneh 2005 nos. 15, 98, 645, 743, 960, 1004; al-Manaser 2008 n. 2os, 302; Rawan 2013 no. 212) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 384), Dad., Tham., Sab. (HIn., 172); Tham. *ḥbyb* (HIn., 175).

**Attestations** H 221:3 (sculptor).

#### *ḥbybw* See *ḥbyb*.

**Attestations** H 448:2.

*ḥbr* ʻCompanion (of DN?)'

Aram. male name (al-Jubouri 2010a, 141), perhaps hypoc. of a theophoric name. Cf. Palm. *ḥbry* (Stark 1971, 87; PAT no. 0424:4).

**Attestations** H 458:1.

*ḥwyšʾ* ʻŠamš showed'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 108).

Cf. the Aram. hypoc. Ḫawe (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa*-*ú*-*e*) in NA onomastics (PNA 2/I, 467).

**Attestations** H 168:1, 174:1.

*ḥywšʾ* ʻŠamš is life'

Arab theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 108). Caquot (1964, 266) suggests a variant of *ḥwyšʾ*.

Αιιωσαμσος, attested at Dura Europos, is interpreted ʻWhere is Šamaš?' (Grassi 2012, 21; 132; cf. Gzella 2015b, 462).

**Attestations** H 180:1, 407:1 (priest), 412a:4, 473:2 (priest of Nanaya).

**<sup>74</sup>** Found at Rome, along the Appian Way.

*ḥyy* ʻLiving / (DN is) life'

**Other readings** *ḥqy (?)* (Degen 1978, 109-10).

Aram. or Arab male name. Abbadi (1983, 109) suggests adjective or hypoc. of a name such as *ḥywšʾ*.

Cf. in NA onomastics NWS Ḫaia (m*ḫa*-*a*-*a*) and Ḫaiānu (m*ḫa*-*ia*-*a-nu*; m*ḫaia-a-ni*; m*ḫa-ia-nu*; m*ḫa-ia-ni*; <sup>m</sup>*ḫa-a-a-nu*; m*ḫa-a-a-ni*; m*ḫa-a-nu*; m*ḫa-a-ni*; PNA 2/I, 439-40).

Attested at Assur (A 11a:2) and in Saf. (HIn., 212); cf. at Dura Europos Αειας (Grassi 2012, 19; 130-1); Nab. *ḥyʾ* (Negev 1991, 28; Macdonald 1999, 276), *ḥyw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 80-1; Negev 1991, 28; Macdonald 1999, 277), *ḥyy* (Negev 1991, 28); Saf., Dad. and Tham. *ḥy* (HIn., 209; WH, 570-1; Ababneh 2005 nos. 246, 388, 580; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 174, 269, 397; Rawan 2013 nos. 201, 206) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 392). Cf. also Saf., Dad., Sab., Qat., Min., Hadr. hypoc. *ḥyw* (HIn., 211; WH, 571) and Saf., Sab., Qat. *ḥywt* (HIn., 212).

**Attestations** H 149:1, 193:3, 205:1,**<sup>75</sup>** 206:1, 322:1, 326:1, 331:1, 334:3, 440:2, 1024:5, 1045:3.

*ḥyrʾ* ʻ(DN is) the good'

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix. Cf. also the form *ḥyrw*, whose suffix -*w* may denote instead the nominative (Abbadi 1983, 109-10). Cf. perhaps EA *ḥyr* (TADC no. 3.8:4.6). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 88; PAT nos. 0007:2,2,**<sup>76</sup>** 0099:1, 0285:3 with transcription Αἱρῆ at line 4 of the Greek text, 0345:2, 0423:3, *etc.*; Yon 2013a no. 130:1) also in the form *ḥyry* (Stark 1971, 88; PAT no. 2221Rev:2); cf. Αερος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 19; 131); Nab. *ḥyrw* and *ḥyry* (Negev 1991, 29); Saf. and Tham. *ḫyr* and *ḫyrt* (HIn., 231); Qat. *ḫyrm* and Hadr. *ḫyry* (HIn., 231).

**Attestations** H 52:1.

#### *ḥyrw* See *ḥyrʾ*.

**Attestations** H 48:2 (nicknamed ʻthe tall one').

**<sup>75</sup>** The same individual in H 205 and 206.

**<sup>76</sup>** Both on the right and left side of the funerary relief.

*ḥyršʾ* ʻŠamš is the good'

Arab theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 109-10). Cf. the entry *ḥyrʾ* for parallels.

**Attestations** H 160:1, 180:1.

*ḥyšʾ* ʻŠamš is life'

Aram. or Arab theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 109). Cf. also the entry *ḥywšʾ*.

**Attestations** H 88:1.

*ḥlq* ʻ(My) portion (is DN)'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Aggoula 1990, 411). Cf. NWS Ḫalaqi (m*ḫa*-*la*-*qi*) in NA onomastics (PNA 2/I, 441); EA theophoric *ḥlqyh* (Kornfeld 1978, 50; TADC no. 3.3:17); *ḥlqyw* on a 6th century Aram. seal (Maraqten 1988, 81; 165) and perhaps in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 85; Negev 1991, 30; Macdonald 1999, 277-8) also in the form *ḥlqt* (Negev 1991, 30; Macdonald 1999, 278), although both readings are doubtful.

**Attestations** H 409c:3.

*ḥnʾ* ʻ(DN is) the favour'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 110).

Attested on an 8th century Aram. seal (Maraqten 1988, 81; 166), at Assur (A 17a:3, 25h:1, 28a:2, 28b:4, 29k:2), and in Palm. as female name (Stark 1971, 89; PAT nos. 0854:1, 1285:1, 1830:1). Cf. in NA onomastics the NWS hypoc. Ḫinnî (m*ḫi-in-ni-i*) and theophoric Ḫinnī-Bēl (female MÍ*ḫiin-ni-be-el*), Ḫinnī-il (<sup>m</sup>*ḫi-ni-*DINGIR), Ḫinni-immī/immē (<sup>m</sup>*ḫi-ni-im-me*; PNA 2/I, 473), Il-ḫinnī (<sup>m</sup>DINGIR-*ḫi-in-ni*; PNA 2/I, 515);**<sup>77</sup>** Ḫinâ (<sup>m</sup>*ḫi-na-a*) in Achaemenid Babylonia (Pearce, Wunsch 2014 nos. 73:14, 81:10); *ḥny* in an Aram. epigraph on a NB tablet (Maraqten 1988, 81; 166) and in papyri from Samaria (Moore Cross 2006, 78; Dušek 2007 nos. 3:10(?),

**<sup>77</sup>** As to names deriving from the root *ḤNN* (*ḥnʾ*, *ḥnynʾ*, *ḥnnʾ*, *ḥnny*) and their attestations in NA cuneiform texts, cf. Lipiński (2010, 132-3) for the possible ambiguity among the roots *ʿNN*, *ʿNY*, and *ḤNN* in cuneiform and consonantal script.

5:8); Αννα, Ανναιος, and Αννεος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 24-5; 143-4); Emesene Αννις and Ενναια (Nitta 1989, 288; 291); Nab. *ḥnʾw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 87-8; Negev 1991, 30).

**Attestations** H 125:1.

*ḥnynʾ* ʻFavoured (by DN) / The little favour'

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc.: Aram. passive participle with det. suffix or Arabic diminutive with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix; Abbadi (1983, 111) opts for the Arab origin. Cf. also the forms *ḥnnʾ* and *ḥnny*, close to the Palm. variant.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 89; PAT nos. 0029:1, 0030:2,3, 0031:1,2, 0033:1,2, 0036:2,3, *etc.*; Yon 2013a no. 182:3), also in the forms *ḥ? n? ynw* (Stark 1971, 89; PAT no. 1403:3 with transcription Ονα[ιν]ου at line 4 of the Greek text; Yon 2013a no. 143:1 reconstructed, cf. the transcription Οναινος at line 1 of the Greek text) and *ḥnyny* (Stark 1971, 89; PAT no. 1159). Cf. in NA onomastics the female Ḫaninâ (MÍ*ḫa-ni-na-a*; PNA 2/I, 453); at Dura Europos Ανεινις and Ανινις (Grassi 2012, 24; 142-3); Emesene Ανινας (Nitta 1989, 288); Nab. *ḥnynw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 89; Negev 1991, 31; Yadin et al. 2002 no. 3:[4],26); Sab. *ḥnynm* (HIn., 207).

**Attestations** H 68:2, 259:2, 389:3, 403:1 (mason), 1037b:1.

*ḥnnʾ* ʻFavoured (by DN) / The merciful'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: passive participle or adjective with det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 111).

Cf. in NA onomastics Ḫanāna (m*ḫa*-*na*-*an*; m*ḫa-na-nu*; m*ḫa-na-ni*; m*ḫa-nana*), Ḫananî (m*ḫa-na-ni-i*), Ḫananīa (m*ḫa-na-ni-ia*), and Ḫannān (m*ḫa*-*anna*-*nu*; m*ḫa*-*an*-*na*-*na*; m*ḫa*-*na*-*a*-*ni*; PNA 2/I, 449-50; 453-4); Ḫananu (m*ḫana-nu*) in the Murašû archive (Stolper 1985 no. 107:19,le.e.), Ḫannā (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa*-*an*-*na*-*ʾ*), Ḫannān (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa*-*an*-*na*-*an*), and Ḫannanīa (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa-an*-*na-ni-iá*) in Achaemenid Babylonia (Pearce, Wunsch 2014 nos. 51:12, 52:9, 24:11 respectively); *ḥnn* in the Samaria papyri (Maraqten 1988, 81; 166; Moore Cross 2006, 78; Dušek 2007 nos. 8:8,12, 11r:13, 22:4, 33 frg. 57R, 35 frg.1r:4); Saf. *ḥnn* (HIn., 206; WH, 570; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 84, 325, 392; Rawan 2013 nos. 21, 97, 103, 202, 253) attested also in Tham. and Sab. (HIn., 206), *ḥnnʾ* (HIn., 206; WH, 570), *ḥnnt* (HIn., 207; WH, 570; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 53, 112, 410) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 392).

**Attestations** H 258:1.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 65**

*ḥnny* ʻFavoured (by DN) / (DN is) merciful / (DN) favoured me'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: passive participle or adjective with hypoc. suffix -*y*, or verbal sentence with 1st s. object pronominal suffix (Beyer 2013, 42). Cf. also the forms *ḥnynʾ* and *ḥnnʾ*. Cf. the entry *ḥnynʾ* for Palm. parallels.

Cf. Ḫananīʾ (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa-an-na-ni-ʾ*) in the Murašû archive (Stolper 1985 nos. 91:12, 98:13, 111:3',6'; Donbaz, Stolper 1997 nos. 3:15,lo.e., 4:13, 49:u.e.).

**Attestations** H 1048:1.

*ḥnšmš* ʻMerciful is Šamš'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 111-2).

Cf. NWS theophoric names in NA onomastics: Ḫana-Sēʾ (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa-na-se-eʾ*; m*ḫa-na-si-i*; m*ḫa-na-si*), Ḫanin-Aia (<sup>m</sup>*ḫa-ni-na-ia*; m*ḫa-ni-na-a-a*; PNA 2/I, 450; 453); *ḥnʾl* in Aram. epigraphs on NA tablets (Ḫannu-Ilu in PNA 2/I, 455; Lemaire 2001 no. 1\*:2; Lipiński 2010, 134 no. O.3717Rev:8; 167 no. O.3649le.e.17); Palm. *ḥnbl* (Stark 1971, 89; PAT nos. 0818:1, 0976:2, 1425:2, 1521:2, 1561:1, *etc.*; **<sup>78</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 58:4; Yon 2013a nos. 58:10 with transcription [Ε]ννιβηλου in line 18 of the Greek text, 117:1); Nab. *ḥnʾl* and *ḥnʾlw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 88; Negev 1991, 31); Saf. and Tham. *ḥnʾl* (HIn., 205; WH, 570); Hism. *ḥnl* (King 1990, 392).

**Attestations** H 191:2, 192:1, 192:3.**<sup>79</sup>**

*ḥpʾ* ʻ(DN) rejoiced'

**Other readings** Abbadi (1983, 191) *ḥp[…]*.

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name; 3rd m.s. perfect (I) of *ḥafā* (*ḥfy*) ʻHe (…) manifested joy, or pleasure' (*Lane*, 604).

**Attestations** H 59:1.

**78** Cf. also PAT nos. 1815:2,3 with transcription Ἑ<νν>ιβηλου at line 2 of the Greek text, 1824:3 with transcription Ανιβηλου at lines 3-4 of the Greek text.

**79** Grandson and grandfather in H 192.

*ḥpʾzw* ʻʿUzzā rejoiced'

Arab theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym ʿUzzā, with dissimilation [ʿ] > [ʾ] (Abbadi 1983, 112). Pennacchietti (1987, 111, 1988b, 45; 49) suggests a connection with Old-Syr. *ḥpsy*, whereas Caquot (1955b, 263) with Saf. *ḥfz* (HIn., 195; WH, 569; Ababneh 2005 no. 924). Cf. also the forms *ḥpʾzy* and *ḥpyzy*.

**Attestations** H 118:1, 121:1,**<sup>80</sup>** 448:1.

*ḥpʾzy* See *ḥpʾzw*.

**Attestations** H 126:1.

#### *ḥpyzy* See *ḥpʾzw*.

Attested also in an inscription in Hatran script found at Šēḫ Ḥamad (Š 1). Röllig (2000, 379-80) proposes *ḫabbāz* ʻbaker', paralleled by Palm. *ḥbzy* (Stark 1971, 87; PAT nos. 0547:9, 0696:3, 1216:2 with transcription Ἀβαζέου at line 2 of the Greek text). However, the author acknowledges that the shift [b] > [p], which might be evidence of a spirantization, is not attested in the Hatran corpus.

**Attestations** H 344:2.

*ḥrys* ʻGuardian / Mute'

Arab male name. Adjective deriving either from *ḥarasa* ʻHe guarded, kept, preserved, or took care of, him or it' (*Lane*, 546), or *ḫarisa* ʻHe (a man) was dumb' (*Lane*, 721-2; Abbadi 1983, 112-3).

Cf. Palm. *ḥršʾ* (Stark 1971, 90; PAT nos. 0283:3 with transcription Ἀρσᾶ at line 4 of the Greek text, 0483:2, 2736:4**<sup>81</sup>**) and *ḥršw* (Stark 1971, 90; PAT nos. 1787:1, 2633:2), which derive from Aram. *ḥrš* ʻdeaf, deaf and dumb' (DNWSI, 409); Nab. *ḥrʾs* (Negev 1991, 31); Saf., Dad., Tham. *ḥrs<sup>1</sup>* (HIn., 184; WH, 568; Ababneh 2005 nos. 846, 952, 1089) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 388).

**Attestations** H 129:1.

**80** The same individual in H 118 and 121.

**81** Found at Rijelat Umm-Kubar, Iraq.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 67**

*ḥryšw* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Negev (1991, 31; 160), with reference to Nab. attestations, interprets it as the profession name ʻlizard hunter'. However, Palm. attestations of *ḥršʾ* and *ḥršw* may point at a diminutive form of Aram. *ḥrš*, ʻThe little deaf man'. Abbadi (1983, 113) suggests a *CaCīC* form connected with Arabic *ʾaḥraša* (IV) ʻHe excited discord, dissension, disorder, strife, quarrelling, or animosity, between, or among, the people' (*Lane*, 546) with nominative suffix. Cf. also the form *ḥršt*, perhaps corresponding to Saf. *ḥrs<sup>2</sup>nt* (see below) with assimilation [nt] > [tt] = <t>.

Cf. Nab. *ḥryšw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 91; Negev 1991, 31) and *ḥršw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 92; Negev 1991, 32); Saf. *ḥrs<sup>2</sup>* ʻlizard hunter' (HIn., 184), *ḥrs2n* (Rawan 2013 no. 191), and *ḥrs<sup>2</sup>nt* (al-Manaser 2008 no. 332); Hism. *ḥrs<sup>2</sup>t* (King 1990, 388) is connected with *ḥaraša* ʻhunt lizards', *ḥāraša* ʻfight with', *ḥaraš* ʻrough', *ḥuršah* ʻroughness'.

**Attestations** H 156:1,**<sup>82</sup>** 183:1, 187:1, 288b:11.

*ḥršt* See *ḥryšw*

**Attestations** H 1047:2.

*ṭwkrws* ʻTeukros'

Greek male name, Τεῦκρος (Moriggi 2010b, 72).

**Attestations** H 1057:1.

*ṭwʿy* ʻObedient (towards DN)'

Arab male name. Hypoc.: Arabic *ṭawʿ* ʻobedience' (*Lane*, 1891) with hypoc. suffix -*y* (Abbadi 1983, 113). Cf. Nab. *ṭwʿʾl* ʻObedient towards ʾIl' (al-Khraysheh 1986, 94; Negev 1991, 32); Saf. *ṭʿ* (HIn., 388) and *ṭʿʾl* (HIn., 388; WH, 590).

**Attestations** H 202:d.d (carpenter of king Sanaṭrūk), 1078:1.

**<sup>82</sup>** Perhaps the same individual in H 156 and 187.

*ṭṭʾ* Uncertain meaning

Male name. Aggoula (1986, 355) refers to the name of the Syrian martyr Ṭaṭa. Beyer (1998, 94) suggests the transcription of the Greek Τίτος. Τατας, attested at Dura Europos, is interpreted as a lallative (Grassi 2012, 98; 268).

Attested in Palm. as a female nickname ʻTita' (al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 48:3).

**Attestations** H 346:7.

*ṭpsrʾ* ʻScribe'

Akk. male name. Akk. *t*/*ṭupšarru* with Aram. det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 114), loanword in Aram.: *ṭpsrs* ʻscribe (?)' in EA (DNWSI, 429) and *ṭpsr* ʻscribe, high dignitary' in Targumic Aram. (Jastrow 1950, 548).

**Attestations** H 236:2, 272:3, 338:2.**<sup>83</sup>**

*ṭrydʾ* ʻDriven out (by DN)'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name; passive participle of *ṭrd* ʻto drive away, chase away' (Sokoloff 2009, 548-9) with det. suffix (al-Jubouri 2010a, 137-8).

Cf. Saf. *ṭrd* (HIn., 387; WH, 590; Ababneh 2005 nos. 246, 333, 592, 1114; al-Manaser 2008 no. 219 ʻLähmung; der als zweite geborene Zwilling'; Rawan 2013 nos. 85, 276 also ʻLähmung; der als zweite geborene Zwilling') and *yṭrd* (Ababneh 2005 no. 1076); at Dura Europos Ταρουδαια (Grassi 2012, 98; 268).

**Attestations** H 441:2.

#### *ydyʿw* ʻKnown (by DN)'

Arab. male name. Arabicized Aram. verb: hypoc. of a theophoric name with suffix -*w* (Abbadi 1983, 114).

Cf. Iadīʾ (<sup>m</sup>*ia*-*di*-*iʾ*) in NA onomastics (PNA 2/I, 486); Palm. *ydyʿ* (Stark 1971, 90; PAT nos. 0112:2, 0113:3, 1588:2) and theophoric names.

**Attestations** H 246:2.

**83** Always the same individual. H 338 was found at al-Maymūn, 7.5 km east of Hatra.

*yhblhʾ* ʻThe god gave'

**Other readings** *blḥʾ* ʻBēl saw' in Bertolino (2013, 188).

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym *ʾlh*, with aphaeresis of <ʾ> and det. suffix (Moriggi 2010b, 72-3).

**Attestations** H 1058:1, 1059:1, 1061:1.

#### *yhbrmryn* ʻBarmaren gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Barmaren (Abbadi 1983, 115). Attested at Assur (A 3b:3, 15c:1).

**Attestations** H 44:1, 79:5,7, 112:5 (probably acolyte of princess *dwšpry*, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 131), 180:1.

*yhbšy* ʻŠamš gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 115). Cf. also the complete name *yhbšmš*.

**Attestations** H 1:1 (mason),**<sup>84</sup>** 46:1 (sculptor), 106b:1, 106b:3 (2x, the second one is a mason),**<sup>85</sup>** 234:1, 336a:1 (sculptor).**<sup>86</sup>** The recurring names indicate that all these texts mention members of the same family of masons and sculptors.

*yhbšmš* ʻŠamš gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 115). Cf. also *yhbšy* and *šmšyhb*.

**Attestations** H 305:1 (mason),**<sup>87</sup>** 334:2 (mason).**<sup>88</sup>**

**84** The same individual in H 1 and 106b:3.

**85** Grandson and grandfather; grandson in H 106b:1 and 336a, and grandfather in H 1, 106b:3.

**86** The same individual in H 106b:1 and 336a.

**87** See the mistake of the engraver: *yhbš*{*š*}*mš*. Cf. the hand-copy (photograph not available) in al-Salihi (1975, 177).

**88** See the mistake of the engraver in the profession name: <ʾrkdlʾ> with the inversion of <d*>* and <k*>* (photograph in al-Salihi 1975, 187). These two inscriptions refer to the same individual; interestingly, both display scribal peculiarities.

*yhybw* ʻGiven (by DN)'

Arab. male name. Arabicized Aram. verb: hypoc. of a theophoric name, with nominative suffix according to Abbadi (1983, 115). Cf. Ειαειβας, Ειβας, Ιαιβας attested at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 53; 64; 187; 207).

**Attestations** H 242:2 (2x),**<sup>89</sup>** 243:1,**<sup>90</sup>** 244:1,**<sup>91</sup>** 278:1 (major-domo).

#### *ymlyk* See *ymlk*

**Attestations** H 99:1, 303:1.

#### *ymlk* ʻMay (DN) be king / reign'

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 116). As in the case of *ʾsrybrk*, the *y*- prefix imperfect may be a legacy of more ancient Aram. phases (cf. "Linguistic Analysis"), but it could also be an Arabic form (Abbadi 1983, 183; Beyer 1998, 138) as attested in Nab. (Negev 1991, 34) and Saf. (HIn., 684; WH, 626). Cf. also the form *ymlyk*.

Cf. Ug. *ymlk* (Gröndahl 1967, 59; 158); perhaps *ymlʾ* or *ymlk* on a 4th century seal from Tello (Maraqten 1988, 83; 172); Palm. *ymlkw* (Stark 1971, 91; PAT nos. 0313:1, 0472:1 with transcription Ἰάμλιχος at line 1 of the Greek text, 0473:2 with transcription Ἰάμλιχος at line 2 of the Greek text, 0805:5, 0950:3, *etc.*); Emesene Ιαμλιχος (Nitta 1989, 292); Nab. *ymlyk* (Negev 1991, 34).

**Attestations** H 110:2.

*ymq* ʻLarge bottle (?)'

**Other readings** Vattioni (1981, 60) and Abbadi (1983, 106) suggest *zmq*.

Aram. male (nick?)name. Uncertain reading, perhaps Syr. *yamqā* ʻlarge bottle' (Beyer 1998, 160; Sokoloff 2009, 576).

**Attestations** H 128:1, 1106:1.

**89** Two different individuals, uncle and nephew.

**90** The same individual, with the ethnonym *ʿṣylyʾ* ʻthe ʿAṣilite' (Aggoula 1991, 121; Beyer 1998, 168) in the first attestation in H 242 and the one in H 243.

**91** ʻThe ʿAṣilite', perhaps the same as above.

*kbyrw* ʻGreat'

Arab male name. Adjective with hypoc. or nominative suffix (Abbadi 1983, 116).

Attested in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 98; Negev 1991, 34); cf. Saf. *kbr* (HIn., 493; WH, 604-5; Ababneh 2005 nos. 371, 629, 726, 807, 736, 1022, 1042) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 452) and Sab. (HIn., 493).

**Attestations** H 17:1, 107:2, 245:1,**<sup>92</sup>** 302:1.

*kwny* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. male name. Attested in Syriac, e.g. the name of the Syriac author Theodore Bar Kōnī (cf. Kōnay in Asmussen 1989). This has also been interpreted Kēwānāy and connected with the planet Saturn (Sachau 1899, 64), cf. also Mandaic attestations of *kywʾnʾyyʾ* ʻName of a people or tribe; or else refers to people living under the influence of Saturn' (Drower, Macuch 1963, 212) for the same Aram. *nisbe*.

**Attestations** H 1117:5.

*klbmlʾ* ʻThe Dog completed'

**Other readings** *d/rklbsʾ* (Degen 1978, 77); *klbslʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 192); Aggoula (1991, 135-6) identifies the theonym ʻDog' i.e. Nergol.

Aram. male theophoric name. Verbal sentence with the theonym *klb*, i.e. Nergol's sacred animal (Dirven 2009, 66-7, 2013a, 152). For the same theonym in Palm. hypoc. forms, cf. the entry *brklbʾ*.

**Attestations** H 287:1 (ʻhis steward?' Cf. also Contini, Pagano 2015, 131).

#### *kmrʾ* ʻPriest'

Aram. male name (Beyer 1998, 100). Cf. NWS Kumurî (<sup>m</sup>*ku*-*mu*-*ri*-*i*) in NA onomastics (PNA 2/I, 637). Attested in a 7th century Aram. docket (Röllig 2014 no. 59Rev:3'), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 92; PAT nos. 0261:2, 0268:2, 0275:3, 0315:4, 0326:3, *etc.*), at Dura Europos in a Palm. inscription (PAT no. 1067:5),**<sup>93</sup>** Old Syriac (Laflı 2016 no. 3:1), and in Nab.

**92** The same individual in H 107 and 245.

**93** Tribal name in PAT nos. 1134:2, 1352:2, 1353:2, and 1942:2,3, with transcriptions Χομαρηνων/[Χ]ομαρηνοι. The line numbers refer to the Greek section of these bilingual texts.

(Negev 1991, 36; Macdonald 1999, 279). Saf. *kmr* is connected by Harding (HIn., 505) with Arabic *kamara* ʻto cover'.

**Attestations** H 388:1.

*knzyw* ʻTreasure (?)'

Aram. or Iran. male name. Probably hypoc.: Iran. loanword in Aram. *gnz* ʻtreasure' (DNWSI, 229) with shift [g] > [k], and a probable hypoc. suffix -*yw* (Abbadi 1983, 116-7). Caquot (1952, 93) suggests a parallel with the Iran. Kānğū (Justi 1895, 155).

Cf. perhaps the EA personal name or official title *knzsrs*, attested in the letters of Arsames (TADA nos. 6.11:1,7, 6.12:1,4, 6.13:1,6).

**Attestations** H 6:1, 6:2,**<sup>94</sup>** 7:1, 8 (chief of guards), 9b:1, 9d:1. Very likely these refer to members of the same family, if not always the same individual (except for H 6).

*kṣyʾ* ʻExiled (?)'

Arab male name. Abbadi's interpretation (1983, 117), questioned by Teixidor (1987, 138), is a *CaCīC* form from Arabic *qaṣā* (*qṣy*) ʻfern, entfernt sein' (Wehr 1985, 1033), with dissimilation [q] > [k] and hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix.

Cf. Old Syr. *qṣt* (OSI no. Am3:7), connected with Nab. diminutive *qṣyw* ʻHe who was exiled' (al-Khraysheh 1986, 161-2; Negev 1991, 58); Κουσας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 69; 212); Saf. and Tham. *qṣy* (HIn., 483; WH, 603), and *qṣyt* (HIn., 483; WH, 603; Ababneh 2005 nos. 654, 810 also ʻmunificent camels'). Cf. also Saf. *qṣy* ʻto dedicate' (Al-Jallad 2015, 334).

**Attestations** H 58:1.

#### *krsʾ* ʻBelly'

Aram. male name (Abbadi 1983, 117-8). Cf. Akk. or NWS Karšānu (m*karšá*-*a*-*nu*) ʻWith large belly (?)' in NA onomastics (PNA 2/I, 607). Saf., Qat., and Sab. *krs<sup>1</sup>* (HIn., 498) is connected with Arabic *kirs* ʻfoundation, origin' or ʻsevere, wellborn' (Ababneh 2005 no. 208). Odishu (1990, 476) proposes ʻA learned man', Arabic loanword.

**Attestations** H 192:1.

**<sup>94</sup>** Grandson and grandfather.

*kšṭw* ʻArcher'

Aram. male name with a probable hypoc. suffix -*w* (Abbadi 1983, 118). The dissimilation [q] > [k] is attested also for Syr. *kšṭ* ʻto shoot with a bow' (Sokoloff 2009, 658) and *kaššāṭā* ʻarcher, bowman; Sagittarius' (CSD, 229; Sokoloff 2009, 658).

Cf. Palm. *qšṭʾ* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT nos. 2066Rev:3, 2084Obv:2, 2097Rev:1, 2100Rev:3, 2148Rev:2), *qštʾ* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT no. 2809:1) and *qšty* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT no. 0333:2**<sup>95</sup>**); Nab. diminutive *kšyṭw* (Negev 1991, 36; Macdonald 1999, 279-80) and *qštw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 162-3; Negev 1991, 59); Saf. *ks<sup>1</sup>ṭ* (HIn., 500; WH, 605), loanword from Syr. (Abbadi 1983, 118).

**Attestations** H 242:1.

*lhdd* ʻFor / Belonging to Hadad'

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc.: dative construction with the theonym Hadad (Beyer 1998, 114).

Cf. Palm. *lšmš* (Stark 1971, 93; PAT nos. 0043:4, 0067:2, 0072:1, 0073:1, 0074:2, *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. 2:3, 7:3, 37:3; Yon 2013a nos. 19:a,b,**<sup>96</sup>** 48:1, 52:3, 68:1, 106:1 with transcription Λισαμσαιος at line 2 of the Greek text, *etc.*), *lmlkʾ* (Stark 1971, 93; PAT no. 0051:3), and *lrmn* (Stark 1971, 93; PAT no. 2041Obv:2).

**Attestations** H 1041c:2.

*lwṭb* ʻMay (DN) do good'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name. Verbal sentence: 3rd m.s. C imperfect of *yṭb* (Beyer 1998, 114; 138). Cf. also the entry *nšrlṭb*.

**Attestations** H 175:1.

*lšglʾ* ʻFor / Belonging to Śangilā'

Aram. theophoric male name. Dative construction with the theonym Śangilā (Šegal in Abbadi 1983, 119) with assimilation [ng] > [gg] = <g>. Śangilā is attested also in Palm. onomastics (*bršgl* Stark 1971, 80; PAT

**95** Found in the Palmyrene.

**96** Reused at Qasr al-Ḥayr al-Sharqi, Syria.

no. 2590Rev:1); cf. Maraqten (1996, 22-6) for a synthesis of the different interpretations of the theonym.

**Attestations** H 22:1.

#### *mhrʾ* ʻMithra'

Iran. theophoric male name (Justi 1895, 207-8; 503; Gignoux 1986, 123). Theonym Mithra probably with hypoc. suffix -*ʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 120). Cf. also the form *myhrʾ*.

Cf. theophoric names in NB and LB texts (Tavernier 2007, 248-53; 541-2; Zadok 2009, 267-72); Palm. *mhr* (Stark 1971, 93; PAT no. 2730:10**<sup>97</sup>**) and *mhrw* (Stark 1971, 93; PAT no. 1702:3**<sup>98</sup>**); *mhr* and theophoric names in Syr. literature (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 99-105).

**Attestations** H 260:1.

#### *mhrbndq* ʻMithrabandag'

**Other readings** *mhr* followed by the nickname or surname *bndq* ʻball' (al-Jubouri 2010a, 140).

Iran. theophoric male name, Mithrabandag ʻservant of Mithra' (Beyer 2013, 34). Cf. Justi (1895, 214 s.v. MiÞrāna.13) for the name Mirhean Mihrevandak; cf. the entry *bndw* for a hypoc.

**Attestations** H 453:1.

#### *mhrdt* ʻMithradāta'

Iran. theophoric male name, Mithradāta ʻgiven by Mithra', cf. Μιτραδάτης (Justi 1895, 209-13; Gignoux 1986, 128, 2003, 50; Schmitt 2016, 131-2). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 93; PAT nos. 1618:5,**<sup>99</sup>** 1722:3, 1726:3,**<sup>100</sup>** 2042Obv:4, 2413Obv) also in the form *mhrdd* (Stark 1971, 93; PAT no. 1358:7), and in Syr. literature (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 100).

**Attestations** H 230:2 (nicknamed ʻthe leprous'), 343a:1,**<sup>101</sup>** 1021b:1.


#### **2 Onomastic Catalogue 75**

*mṭlš* ʻMangy'

Aram. male name. Dt participle of *ṭlš* ʻ(G) to be soiled, stained; (D) to pollute, defile' (Sokoloff 2009, 535); more likely passive of D ʻto infect a sheep with mange' (CSD, 176), with assimilation [tṭ] > [ṭṭ] = <ṭ>. Abbadi (1983, 121) suggests a possible *mafʿal*/*mafʿil* form connected with Arabic *ṭals* ʻblack' (*Lane*, 1866); Aggoula (1991, 72) proposes ʻDon de šmš'; Odishu (1990, 463) hypoc. of *mṭlšmš* ʻFor the sake of Šamaš'; Beyer (1998, 160) the hypoc. ʻSchutzdach'.

**Attestations** H 119:1.

*myhrʾ* See *mhrʾ*.

**Attestations** H 1121:1.

*mymy* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. Very likely a lallative. Beyer (1998, 91) translates ʻDessen Name mit m beginnt'.

Cf. perhaps EA *mmh* (Kornfeld 1978, 120; TADA nos. 2.1:14, 2.4:2,10).

**Attestations** H 286:1 (perhaps priest; damaged text), 337:2.

*mytʾ* ʻGentle'

Arab male name. Adjective *mayīṯ* ʻSoft; (…) gentle' (*Lane*, 2745), with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix (Moriggi 2013a, 41).

Attested in Palm. mostly as a tribal name (Stark 1971, 94; PAT nos. 0168:3, 0465:4, 0468:5, 1356:3 with transcription Μιθηνῶν in line 3 of the Greek text, 2801:3 with transcription MITHENON in line 2 of the Latin text and Μειθηνῶν in line 3 of the Greek text, *etc.*) and at Dura Europos in a Palm. inscription (PAT no. 1099:4); cf. Sab. *myṯ* (HIn., 576).

**Attestations** H 1035b:2.**<sup>102</sup>**

*mky* ʻWho is like (DN)?'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: interrogative nominal sentence *mn*-*k*(-DN), with assimilation [nk] > [kk] = <k> and hypoc. suffix -*y* (Abbadi 1983, 121). Cf. also the entry *mkmrtn*.

**102** Reading by Moriggi (2013a, 41).

Attested in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 58; TADA no. 2.2:9; TADB no. 5.1:11; TADD no. 21.7:1,3) and Palm. (Stark 1971, 95; PAT nos. 0360:3, 0563, 0564, 0853:3, 1165:1, *etc.*). Cf. Akk. Mannu-kī (m*man*-*nu*-*ki*-*i*; m*man*-*nuki*; m*ma*-*an*-*ki*-*i*) in NA onomastics (PNA 2/II, 680) and in EA (Porten 2016, 9 *mnky*); Μακκαιος at Dura Europos, interpreted as a hypoc. of *mqym*(*w*) (Grassi 2012, 74; 216; cf. Gzella 2015b, 463); perhaps Nab. *mkʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 106; Negev 1991, 38); Saf. *mk* (HIn., 561 but connected with *makka* ʻto destroy'; WH, 613; Ababneh 2005 nos. 682, 689, 703, 961, 962).

**Attestations** H 146a:1, 146c:1,**<sup>103</sup>** 337:1.

#### *mkmrtn* ʻWho is like Marten?'

Aram. theophoric male name. Interrogative nominal sentence *mn*-*k-*DN, with assimilation [nk] > [kk] = <k> and the theonym Marten (Abbadi 1983, 122). Cf. also the entry *mky*.

**Attestations** H 157:1, 173:1, 1055b:1.

*mlw* ʻ(DN) is King'

**Other readings** *mly* ʻMachte voll / König' (Beyer 1998, 161).

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with suffix -*w*. Cf. also the entry *mlkʾ*.

Cf. Palm. *ml* (Stark 1971, 95; PAT no. 2496Rev:2), *mlʾ* (Stark 1971, 95; PAT nos. 0027:1, 0028:1, 0029:1, 0039:2, 0040:1,2, *etc.*; **<sup>104</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. 23:1, 25:1, 30:2; Yon 2013a nos. 50:5, 51:1, 55:2, 58:9 with transcription Μαλη at line 18 of the Greek text, 71:1, *etc.*), *mly* (Stark 1971, 95; PAT nos. 0748:3, 0856:3, 2253Rev:2); Old Syr. *mlʾ* (OSI no. As52:2) and *mly* (OSI nos. As56:2, P1:15**<sup>105</sup>**); Nab. *mly* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 107; Negev 1991, 39 Arabic ʻlong; lengthy').

**Attestations** H 415b:2.

**103** Likely the same individual in H 146 a-c.

**104** Cf. also PAT no. 0282:2 with transcription Μαλῆ at line 3 of the Greek text.

**105** Cf. the entry *ʾbgr*.

#### **2 Onomastic Catalogue 77**

*mlykw* ʻRuled (by DN)'

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with suffix -*w*, or Arabic diminutive (Abbadi 1983, 122-3).

Cf. *mlyk* in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Maraqten 1988, 87; 178); Μαλικος and Μαλιχος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 75; 217-8) Sab. and Qat. *mlykm* (HIn., 566) and Sab. *mlykym* (HIn., 566).

**Attestations** H 146b:1.

*mlkʾ* ʻ(DN) is King'

Aram. female name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (al-Jubouri 2010b, 44). Cf. also the entry *mlw*.

Attested in OffA (Maraqten 1988, 87; 178-9); Palm. as male name (Stark 1971, 95; PAT nos. 0057:1 with transcription Μαλχη in line 2 of the Greek text, 0058:2, 0330:2,3, 0430:4, 0736, *etc.*) also in the form *mlkw* (PAT nos. 0019:2, 0044:1, 0045:1, 0046, 0048:1, *etc.*; **106** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. F2:1,7, 12:4, 14:3, 15:5, 29:1, *etc*.; Yon 2013a nos. 6:5, 7:1, 8:1,2, 11b:2, 19:b,d,e,**<sup>107</sup>** *etc.*; Abousamra 2015 nos. IA:2- B:2-C:2, II:2, III:6, IVA:4 with transcription Μαλιχου in IVB:4-5); cf. at Dura Europos *mlkw* in Palm. inscriptions (PAT nos. 1067:4, 1081:1, 1093:3, 1094:2, 1096:2, 1097:2, 1104:1), in a Hatran-Greek bilingual *mlkyn*, with transcription Μαλχίων (D 4:1 = Bertolino 2004 BA.H2.01:1, published also as PAT no. 2831, and Μαλχιος (Grassi 2012, 75; 218); Emesene Μαλιχος, Μαλχα, and perhaps Μαλχη (Nitta 1989, 293); Nab. *mlkw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 108; Negev 1991, 39; Macdonald 1999, 280).

**Attestations** H 470:1.

*mnyš* ʻManēč'

**Other readings** *mny/wš* (Abbadi 1983, 123).

Iran. male name. Likely transcription of Manēč, attested in Greek as Μοναίσης (Justi 1895, 190; Abbadi 1983, 123; Beyer 1998, 161). Cf. *mnyš* in Old Syr. (OSI no. As37:2) and epigraphic Parthian (Schmitt 2016, 127 from *manah* ʻSinn'). Abbadi (1983, 123) suggests also, in case of a reading *mnwš*, the name of the Avestan mythological hero Mānūš

**106** Cf. also PAT nos. 0056 with transcription Μαλχου in line 1 of the Greek text, 0267:1 with transcription Μάλιχου in line 1 of the Greek text.

**107** Reused at Qasr al-Ḥayr al-Sharqi, Syria.

(Justi 1895, 191), for which cf. NB and LB attestations of names built upon Mānūš- (Tavernier 2007, 239-40; 541; Zadok 2009, 264-5).

**Attestations** H 139:3 (treasurer of king Sanaṭrūk),4, 1117:1,4.

#### *mʿyrw* ʻThe raider'

Arab male name. Active participle (II or IV) of *ġyr* ʻeinen Raubüberfall machen' with nominative suffix (Abbadi 1983, 123-4). Abbadi's alternative interpretation as a passive participle (II) connected with Arabic *ʾaʿyara* (IV) ʻHe upbraided him with such a thing; reproached him for it; declared it to be bad, evil, abominable, or foul, and charged him with it' (*Lane*, 2208) is less probable, on the basis of onomastic parallels. Attested in Nab. (Cantineau 1932, 117; al-Khraysheh 1986, 110-1; Negev 1991, 40; Macdonald 1999, 280); cf. *mʿyrʾ* in a Palm. inscription found at Khirbet Abu Duhur, in the Palmyrene (Stark 1971, 96 normalized *Muġīr*; PAT no. 1722:6); Μογερος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 80; 230-1) and Μογερους at Emesa (Nitta 1989, 294); Saf. *mġyr* (HIn., 559; WH., 612; Ababneh 2005 no. 249; al-Manaser 2008 no. 245; Rawan 2013 no. 110) and *mġr* (WH., 612). Cf. however Al-Jallad (2017, 124 n. 77) for the difficulties entailed by the attestations, in Saf., of both *mʿyr* and *mġyr*.

**Attestations** H 191:1.

#### *mʿnʾ* See *mʿnw*.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 96; PAT no. 0928:1; Yon 2013a no. 107:3 with transcription Μαννου at line 5 of the Greek text), Old Syr. (OSI nos. As29:2, As34:4, As37:2), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 111; Negev 1991, 40).

**Attestations** H 12:1, 43:2, 79:13 (prince, son of king Sanaṭrūk), 201:2.

#### *mʿnw* ʻMaʿnu'

Arab theophoric male name. Theonym Maʿan (Abbadi 1983, 124) with hypoc. or nominative suffix -*w*. Cf. also the form *mʿnʾ* with hypoc. suffix -*ʾ*. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 96; PAT nos. 0341:2,**<sup>108</sup>** 1249:2, 1434:3, 1630:1, 1702:4,**<sup>109</sup>** *etc.*), Old Syr. (OSI nos. As1:7, As30:3, As51:2,6, As55:3, As62:2,3, *etc*.; at Dura Europos in the legal texts P1:6 and

**108** Found in the Palmyrene.

**109** Found at Ras esh-Shaar, in the Palmyrene.

P2:4**<sup>110</sup>**), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 111-2; Negev 1991, 40), Tham. (HIn., 557); cf. Μαννος and Μανου at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 75; 221); *mʿn* in Saf. (HIn., 556; WH, 612; Ababneh 2005 nos. 83, 188, 194, 238, 598, 772, 1070; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 69, 226; Rawan 2013 no. 206), Hism. (King 1990, 464), Dad., Tham., Qat., Min. (HIn., 556). ANA and ASA occurrences, however, are connected mainly with Arabic ʻgift' (Ababneh 2005, 116) or ʻlight' (al-Manaser 2008, 130).

**Attestations** H 189:1,**<sup>111</sup>** 230:2, 288c:4 (lord),**<sup>112</sup>**1011:2, 1012:1.

#### *mqymšmš* ʻŠamš is the one who raises'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Šamš. The translation ʻthe one who raises' for the C participle of *qwm* follows the numerous attestations of the causative *ʾqym* in Hatran inscriptions commemorating the erection of statues (Beyer 1998, 139; 183). However, since the same causative form is attested in Arabic (*Lane*, 2995), the name could be assigned an Arabic etymology as well (Stark 1971, xx; Abbadi 1983, 125).

Cf. Palm. hypoc. *mqymw* (Stark 1971, 96; PAT nos. 0005:2,9, 0007:1, 0040:2, 0042:14, 0057:2 with transcription Μοκιμου at line 3 of the Greek text, *etc.*; **<sup>113</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. F3:2, 11:4, 47:2, 52:1, 56:4; Yon 2013a nos. 19:3,**<sup>114</sup>** 26:1,3, 30:1, 33:2, 42:2, *etc.*) attested also in Palm. inscriptions at Dura Europos (PAT nos. 1075:1, 1076:1, 1077:1, 1079:2), *mqymy* (Stark 1971, 96; PAT nos. 0593:2, 1163:2, 1175:4, 1217:2 with transcription Μοκε[ί]μαιος at lines 2-3 of the Greek text, 1712:4;**<sup>115</sup>** Yon 2013a no. 84:2,3,4), *mqymt* (Stark 1971, 96; PAT no. 1249:1,5); Old Syr. *mqymw* (OSI nos. As16:3, As17:1, Am4:2,5,7,9,11,13; P1:30**<sup>116</sup>**) and *mqmy* (OSI nos. As51:3; P3:9**<sup>117</sup>**); Emesene Μοκειμος and Μοκιμος (Nitta 1989, 294); Nab. *mqymw* (al-Khray-

**110** Cf. the entry *ʾbgr*.

**111** Allegedly commander, son of Lord Worōd. Cf. Foietta, Marcato (2018) for a new discussion of this inscription.

**112** Cf. Foietta, Marcato 2018 for a preliminary discussion of this attestation and its chronological implications.

**113** Cf. also PAT nos. 0255:2 with transcription MOCIMUS at line 2 of the Latin text, found at Lambesi, Algeria; 0269:1 with transcription Μόκειμον in line 1 of the Greek text.

**114** Reused at Qasr al-Ḥayr al-Sharqi, Syria.

**115** Found at Khirbet Wadi es-Suan, in the Palmyrene.

**116** Cf. the entry *ʾbgr*.

**117** Cf. the entry *brʿy*.

sheh 1986, 113-4; Negev 1991, 41; also in the Babatha archive from Naḥal Ḥever, cf. Lewis, Yadin, Greenfield 1989 no. 16:39; Yadin et al. 2002 no. 1:[2],7,14,19,35,36,53,60); Saf. *mqym* (HIn., 560) and *mqm* (HIn., 560; WH, 612; al-Manaser 2008 no. 390).

**Attestations** H 60:1, 61:1,**<sup>118</sup>** 467:1, 468:1 (major-domo, son of a major-domo of Marten).**<sup>119</sup>**

#### *mrʾ* See *mryʾ*

**Other readings** *mpʾ* (Ibrahim 1986, 203; Moriggi 2013a, 38).

Cf. Μαρας in the Babatha archive from Naḥal Ḥever (Lewis, Yadin, Greenfield 1989 no. 25:14,46).

**Attestations** H 1034:2.

*mrhwn* ʻTheir Lord (is DN)'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 125-6). Cf. also the form *mrhn*.

Same structure of Akk. Bēlšunu, of which *mrhwn* is the Aram. equivalent; cf. the entry *bšwn*. Cf. the Palm. female name *mrthwn* (Stark 1971, 97; PAT nos. 0594:1, 0873:1, 0885:1; Abousamra 2015 no. III:1).

**Attestations** H 43:2, 1118:1.

#### *mrhn* See *mrhwn*

**Attestations** H 1034:1.

*mry* ʻ(DN is) my Lord'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name. Perhaps a defective spelling of *mryʾ*; ʻHerr' in Beyer 1998, 97.

Attested in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 59; TADD nos. 2.12:3, 3.39:b.4, 21.7:1,3); cf. Μαρεις and Μαρεος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 76; 222); Nab. *mrʾy* (Negev 1991, 41; Macdonald 1999, 280).

**Attestations** H 363:5.

**118** The same individual in H 60 and 61, perhaps also H 468.

**119** Perhaps the same as attested in H 60 and 61.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 81**

*mryʾ* ʻ(DN is) the Lord'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 126; cf. also Vattioni 1994, 96 no. 35:2). Cf. also the form *mrʾ*. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 97; PAT nos. 0290:4, 1464:4, 1747:2).

**Attestations** H 278:2 (major-domo).

#### *mrn* ʻMaren'

**Other readings** *bmrn* ʻLe serviteur de Notre-Seigneur' (Aggoula 1991, 87); *gmd/rn* ʻEisiger / Glühender' (Beyer 1998, 64), Arab names.

Aram. theophoric male name. Theonym Maren (Abbadi 1983, 62 considers it as a proper divine name, not a personal name). Cf. also the theophoric *mrnyhb*.

**Attestations** H 179:1.

#### *mrnyhb* ʻMaren gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Maren (Abbadi 1983, 126). The alleged name *yhbmrn* ʻMaren gave' (Abbadi 1983, 114; Beyer 1998, 67) in H 200:2 should be considered as a proper verbal sentence (Aggoula 1991, 94-5).

**Attestations** H 171:1, 287:1.

*mrtbw* ʻThe Lady of her father'

Aram. female name. Perhaps hypoc. of a theophoric name. Genitive construction with apocopated 3rd f.s. pronominal suffix (Abbadi 1983, 126; Beyer 1998, 131).

Cf. NWS Martâ (<sup>m</sup>*mar*-*ta*-*aʾ*) in NA onomastics (PNA 2/II, 742); Palm. *mrtʾ* (Stark 1971, 97; PAT nos. 0693:2, 1854:1, 1863:1) and *mrty* (Stark 1971, 97; PAT nos. 0032:1, 0100:1, 0300:1 with transcription Μάρθειν in line 1 of the Greek text, 0653:1, 0750:1, *etc.*; Yon 2013a nos. 10:2, 34:1, 167:1); Nab. *mrtʾ* and *mrty* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 115; Negev 1991, 41).

**Attestations** H 31:1 (sculptress?), 34:2 (priestess of Iššarbēl).

*nbwbnʾ* ʻNabû created'

**Other readings** *nbwbn* (Bertolino 2008, 10).

Aram. theophoric male name of Akk. origin. Verbal sentence with the theonym Nabû (Abbadi 1983, 127).

Cf. Akk. Nabû-ibni (mdPA-DÙ; mdPA-*ib*-*ni*) in NA texts (PNA 2/II, 834); also in the NB Ebabbar (Bongenaar 1997, 334) and Ezida temple archives (Waerzeggers 2010 nos. 41:15, 54:2f, 76:11, 134:28, 160:14, *etc.*), and in the Nappāḫu archive (Baker 2004 no. 93:10), cf. also Nielsen 2015, 233.

**Attestations** H 98:1, 211:1, 1026:1 (major-domo), 1044b:1.

#### *nbwgbr* ʻNabû is mighty'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Nabû (Aggoula 1985b, 283).

**Attestations** H 401:4, 402:1.**<sup>120</sup>**

*nbwdyn* ʻNabû is the judge'

Aram. theophoric male name of Akk. origin. Nominal sentence with the theonym Nabû (Abbadi 1983, 128).

Attested in NA onomastics as Nabû-dayyān (mdPA-DI.KUD; PNA 2/II, 819), in the Murašû archive as Nabû-dayyānu (mdAG-*da*-*a*-*a*-*nu*; mdAG-DI. KU5; Stolper 1985 nos. 27:16, 28:23, 90:2,u.e., 95:15; Donbaz, Stolper 1997 no. 5:17,u.e.). Attested also at Assur (A 1:2).

Cf. Amm. *nnydn* ʻNanaya will judge / is judge' (al-Qananweh 2004, 96-7).

**Attestations** H 279a:1, 310:1, 416:3, 446:1 (veteran, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 129), 452:1, 470:2, 1069:1.

#### *nbwyhb* ʻNabû gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Nabû (Aggoula 1985b, 283).

Attested in EA (TADC no. 4.9:2.2); cf. Ναβουιααβος and Ναβουιαβος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 81; 235).

**Attestations** H 401:2, 1089:1.

**120** Likely the same individual.

*nbwktb* ʻNabû wrote'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Nabû; nominal sentence ʻNabû ist Schreiber' in Beyer (1998, 103).

**Attestations** H 408:2.

*nbwsmʿ* ʻNabû heard'

Arab theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Nabû; note the use of Arabic *samiʿa* instead of Aram. *šmʿ* (Pennacchietti 1996, 60, 1998, 280).

Cf. Nabû-šamāʾ (<sup>d</sup>AG-*šá*-*ma*-*ʾ*) in NB texts (Zadok 1977, 74; 81-2); Ναβουσαμαος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 81; 236).

**Attestations** H 1055b:1.

*ndr* ʻHe vowed (to DN?) / Vow (to DN?)'

Aram. male name. Very likely hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 128). Cf. Nab. *ndry* (Negev 1991, 43); Saf. *nḏr* (HIn., 585; Ababneh 2005 no. 166) and *nḏrʾl* (HIn., 585).

**Attestations** H 93:1.

*nwhdrʾ* ʻCommander / Satrap'

**Other readings** *nwhd/rʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 128), cf. Sima (1995-96, 320).

Aram. male name. Iran. loanword *nwhdrʾ* ʻtitle of a military commander' (Sokoloff 2009, 896), interpreted ʻSatrap' by Abbadi (1983, 128-9), with det. suffix. An official title according to Greenfield (1986). Cf. OSI, 47 for further references (especially Harnack 1970, 537-40); more recently Colditz (2013, 122).

**Attestations** H 264:1.

*nwrn* Uncertain meaning

**Other readings** *nwdn* (al-Jubouri 2010b, 47), *fawʿal* form.

Arab male name. Beyer (2013, 39) connects it to Arabic *nār* ʻfire'; it may also be Aram. *nwr* with the suffix -*ān*, probably a diminutive attested also for the name *ʿqrbn*.

Attested in Palm. (Yon 2013a no. 33:3(2x)); cf. Saf., Tham. (HIn., 585), Dad. (Farès-Drappeau 2005 no. D153), Hism. (King 1990, 471) *nrn*, connected with Saf. and Tham. *nwr* (HIn., 603; WH, 617).

**Attestations** H 475:1.

#### *nyhrʾ* ʻDaylight'

**Other readings** *nwhrʾ* ʻShrine' (Odishu 1990, 465); *nyhdʾ* (Beyer 1998, 161), Iran. Nīhādān (Justi 1895, 229); cf. also Sima (2000, 167).

Aram. or Arab male name. Cf. Syr. *nuhrā* ʻlight' or Arabic *nahār* ʻDay, or day-time (…) or broad daylight' (*Lane*, 2858) with hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 129). Official epithet ʻillustrious' in Palm. (DNSWI, 720).

Cf. Palm. *nhrʾ* (Stark 1971, 99; PAT no. 0657:1); Saf., Tham., Qat. (HIn., 601; Ababneh 2005 nos. 804, 883, 885, 1148, 1155; al-Manaser 2008 no. 76), Hism. (King 1990, 474) *nhr*.

**Attestations** H 139:1, 198:2 (in both cases a prince, son of king Sanaṭrūk).

#### *nmsys* ʻNemesis'

Greek male name, Νέμησις (Beyer 2013, 45).

**Attestations** H 1058:2.

#### *nʿwrʾ* ʻBraying'

**Other readings** *nʿwr/dʾ* (Degen 1970, 226).

Aram. male name. Plene spelling of Syr. *nʿārā* ʻbraying' (Sokoloff 2009, 928) with det. suffix. Abbadi (1983, 129) prefers the cognate Arabic *naʿara* ʻHe (a man, or a beast of carriage,) uttered a sound, or noise, with, or in, (…) the innermost part of his nose' (*Lane*, 2815), and connects the name with Nab. *nʿrt* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 121; Negev 1991, 44), the interpretation of which is doubtful.

Cf. Saf. (HIn., 593) and Hism. (King 1990, 472) *nʿrt*; Sab. *nʿr* (HIn., 593). However, these are connected by Harding with Arabic *naʿir* ʻrestless'.

**Attestations** H 220:1.

*nṣr* ʻ(DN) aided / (DN is the) aid'

Arab, probably male, name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name; ʻGrill' in Beyer (2013, 45). Cf. also the entry *nṣrw*.

Attested in Saf. (HIn., 590; WH, 615-6; Ababneh 2005 nos. 220, 733; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 35, 66, 67), Hism. (King 1990, 472), Tham. and Sab. (HIn., 590).

**Attestations** H 1058:1.

*nṣrw* ʻ(DN is the) aid'

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with nominative or hypoc. suffix -*w* (Abbadi 1983, 130). Cf. also the entry *nṣr*. Attested in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 122; Negev 1991, 44).

Cf. Palm. *nṣrʾ* (Stark 1971, 100; PAT nos. 0763:1,3 with transcription of the complete name Νασράλλαθε in lines 1-2 of the Greek text,**<sup>121</sup>** 0764:2, 0864:3, 1179:2, 1594:2), *nṣry* (Stark 1971, 100; PAT nos. 0314:4, 1596:4) and *nṣrlt* (Stark 1971, 100; PAT nos. 0056 with transcriptions Νασραλλαθος and Νασραλλαθου in line 1 of the Greek text, 1327:4, 2487Rev:4); cf. perhaps Νασωρ at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 81; 237). For ANA and ASA attestations cf. the entry *nṣr*.

Nāṣiru (<sup>m</sup>*na*-*ṣi*-*ru*), attested in NA onomastics (PNA 2/II, 934-5), and *nṣry*, on an 8th century seal (Maraqten 1988, 92; 188), derive from Akk. or NWS cognates.

**Attestations** H 33:1 (likely lord), 67:1 (lord, great priest of the god),**<sup>122</sup>** 82:4 (lord), 84:1, 194:2 (lord), 196:2 (lord), 197a-g:2 (lord), 199:1 (lord), 231:3 (lord), 250:1 (lord), 272:1 (lord), 272:3,**<sup>123</sup>** 273:1 (lord), 274:1 (lord), 319:1, 335:3,4,**<sup>124</sup>** H 338:2,**<sup>125</sup>** 338:3 (lord, not explicit), 345:3 (lord, great patrician, great priest of Šamš),**<sup>126</sup>** 346:2 (lord), 347:3 (lord), 348:1 (lord), 351:2 (lord), 352:1 (lord, great priest), 353:3 (lord), 355:1 (lord), 356:1 (lord), 358:1 (lord), 359:1 (lord), 361:1 (patrician, great priest), 365b:1 (lord), 367:1 (lord), 368:1 (lord), 369:1 (lord), 370:1 (lord), 371:1 (lord), 375:1 (lord), 376:1 (lord), 378:1 (lord), 386:1 (lord), 1027b:1 (great patrician, great priest), 1027b:4 (lord).

**121** Found at Qaryatein, in the Palmyrene.

**122** For the title *ʾpklʾ* cf. most recently Contini, Pagano 2015, 139-40 with previous bibliography.

**123** The same individual in H 272:3 and 338:2.

**124** Likely the same individual.

**125** The same individual in H 272:3 and 338:2l. H 338 was found at al-Maymūn, 7.5 km east of Hatra.

**126** Again *ʾpklʾ*, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 139-40.

#### *nqndrs* ʻNikandros'

Greek male name, Νικάνδρος (Moriggi forthcoming).

**Attestations** H 1115:1.

*nšrʾ* ʻNešra'

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc.: theonym Nešra with hypoc. suffix -*ʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 130).

Cf. Saf. and Tham. *ns1r* (HIn., 586-7; WH, 615; Ababneh 2005 no. 373; Rawan 2013 nos. 299, 302, 304) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 471). Perhaps attested already in NA onomastics as Nasrâ (<sup>m</sup>*na*-*as*-*ra*-*a*) ʻEagle' (PNA 2/II, 933).

**Attestations** H 117:1, 232f:6.

#### *nšrhb* See *nšryhb*

**Attestations** H 442:1.

#### *nšry* ʻNešra'

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc.: theonym Nešra with hypoc. suffix -*y* (Abbadi 1983, 130-1).

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 100; PAT nos. 0431:4, 1176:2) and Nab. (Negev 1991, 45). For ANA attestations cf. the entry *nšrʾ*.

**Attestations** H 13:1, 27:1, 74:3, 76:1, 91:1, 93:1, 101:1, 146a:1, 158:1, 288a:5, 300:1, 1047:3.**<sup>127</sup>**

*nšryhb* ʻNešra gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Nešra (Abbadi 1983, 131). Cf. also the form *nšrhb*.

Attested in an inscription on a relief between Dağyeli and Koçtepe-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 4b:2 = Lightfoot, Naveh 1991 no. B:2) and in Saf. (HIn., 587).

**Attestations** H 4:6, 25:1, 52:2, 83:4, 88:1, 100:1 (treasurer), 116:1 (major-domo), 137:1, 139:1 (prince, grandson of king Sanaṭrūk), 164:1, 174:2, 183:1, 194:2 (lord, not explicit), 195:2 (majordomo of Maren), 200:7, 252:1, 270:1, 272:3 (lord), 274:3 (lord), 284:1-2, 299:1, 301:1, 316:1, 323:1, 338:3 (lord), 346:3 (lord), 349:1, 350:1,**<sup>128</sup>** 351:1 (lord), 352:3 (lord), 356:1 (lord), 360:1, 361:2 (lord),

**127** Perhaps the initial part of a broken longer name.

**128** The same individual in H 349 and 350.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 87**

362:2, 406:1, 409c:2, 413d:2, 428:1, 440:1, 447:1, 448:1, 451:1,2, 476:3 (lord), 1027b:4 (lord, not explicit), 1036b:1,**<sup>129</sup>** 1036c:1, 1044:1, 1055:1, 1056:5.

*nšrlṭb* ʻMay Nešra do good'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence: theonym Nešra followed by the 3rd m.s. C imperfect of *yṭb* (Beyer 1998, 114; 138). Cf. also the entry *lwṭb*.

**Attestations** H 1041c:1.

*nšrʿqb* ʻNešra protected'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Nešra (Abbadi 1983, 131).

**Attestations** H 23:2,5, 35:3,6.

*ntwnʾšr* ʻGiven by Iššar / Gift of Iššar'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction: passive participle (Canaanite *CaCūC* pattern) of *ntn* and the theonym Iššar (Abbadi 1983, 131-2). Cf. Lipiński (1982, 119-20 and n. 20) for *ntwn* as a *CaCCūC* form rather that a Canaanite participle; cf. also the discussion in Marciak (2017, 311). Cf. EA hypoc. *ntwn* (Kornfeld 1978, 63; TADA nos. 4.10:5, 5.2.1; TADC nos. 3.15:50,66,103,114(2x), 4,4:1; TADD nos. 3.2:a.2, 3.17:3) attested also on an ostrakon from Beersheba (Maraqten 1988, 92; 189); *ntwnšmš* at Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:6); Nab. *ntn* (but perhaps a perfect tense, Negev 1991, 45) attested also in Saf., Tham., Sab., and Min. (HIn., 581; WH, 614; Ababneh 2005 no. 1043).

**Attestations** H 113:2, 114:2.**<sup>130</sup>**

*sbʾ* ʻOld man'

Aram. male (nick?)name. Syr. *sābā* (Sokoloff 2009, 959) with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 101; PAT no. 0365:4).

**Attestations** H 1109:1.

**129** Reading by Moriggi 2013a, 46.

**130** The same individual.

*skyrʾ* ʻLittle drunkard'

**Other readings** *skydʾ* ʻIl a espéré en Hadad' (Aggoula 1991, 63-4).

Arab male name. Diminutive from *sakira* ʻHe was, or became, intoxicated, inebriated, or drunken' (*Lane*, 1390), Aram. *škr* (Sokoloff 2009, 1559), with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 132). Abbadi considers also a derivation from Aram. *skr* ʻto stop up' (DNWSI, 786), though less probable.

Cf. Akk. (?) Šākiru (<sup>m</sup>*šá*-*ki*-*ru*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1184); Saf. and Tham. *s<sup>1</sup>krn* (HIn., 323; WH, 582; Ababneh 2005 nos. 78, 628, 636, 920, *etc*.; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 87, 146, 400; Rawan 2013 nos. 279, 343) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 413).

**Attestations** H 97:1.

*slwk* ʻSeleukos'

**Other readings** *slwq* (Aggoula 1990, 412 and Vattioni 1994, 85 for H 410:2).

Greek male name, Σέλευκος (Abbadi 1983, 132-3). Cf. also the form *slkw*.

Attested in Old Syr. (OSI nos. As16:2, As17:2, As18:2, As19:2, As55:8); cf. Palm. *slwqʾ* (Stark 1971, 101; PAT nos. 0394:3, 0440:1), *slwqws* (Stark 1971, 101; PAT nos. 0280:2 with transcription Σέλευκον at lines 2-3 of the Greek text; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 60:2-3), *slwqs* (Stark 1971, 101; PAT no. 0071:1); at Dura Europos, *slwqws* in a Palm. inscription (PAT no. 1095:1).

**Attestations** H 5:2, 94:1 (2x),**<sup>131</sup>** 110:1 (nicknamed ʻthe great' or ʻthe elder'), 111:1, 166:1,**<sup>132</sup>** 169:1, 170:1, 410:2.

*slkw* ʻSeleukos'

Greek male name, Σέλευκος, with metathesis of <w> and <k*>* (Aggoula 1990, 418).

**Attestations** H 415b:1.

**131** Grandson and grandfather.

**132** The same individual in H 166 and 170.

#### *smy* ʻSamya'

Aram. theophoric female name. Theonym Samya (Abbadi 1983, 133). Cf. the complete name *btsmyʾ*.

Perhaps attested in Old Syr. (OSI nos. Am3:16, Cm5:2); cf. *smyʾ* on a 6th century Aram. ostrakon from Tell Šēḫ Ḥasan, Syria (Röllig 1990 no. 2:1) and in Palm. (Stark 1971, 101; but PAT no. 1777:5 reads *šqnʾ*).

**Attestations** H 5:1, 37:2 (princess, granddaughter of king Sanaṭrūk).

#### *snṭrwq* ʻSanaṭrūk'

Iran. male name, Sanaṭrūk ʻhe who defeats enemies' (Abbadi 1983, 133; Justi 1895, 282-3; Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 121). The spelling with <q*>* is the usual Aram. rendering of this name, attested in Syr. literature also with final <g*>* (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 121). Cf. also the form *snṭrq*.

**Attestations** H 28:3,4 (king), 36:3 (king), 37:3 (king), 79:base,11,13 (king), 82:2,4 (king), 112:2, 112:3 (ʻmaster of the hunt', cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 136),**<sup>133</sup>** 120:1 (king), 124:1, 139:2,4 (king), 144:5 (king), 194:1 (king), 195:1 (king), 196:1 (king of Arabs), 197a:1-g:1 (king of Arabs), 198:2 (king), 199:1 (king of Arabs), 202:d.d (king), 203:2 (king of Arabs, ʻthe victorious one'), 229a:1 (king of Arabs, ʻthe victorious one, the benefactor'), 231:2 (king of Arabs), 232a:1 (lord), 287:3 (king of Arabs), 333:1 (prince, not explicit), 334:1 (ʻpious'), 341:1 (ʻpious'), 342:2,11 (king), 367:1 (king), 368:1 (king), 369:1 (king, reconstructed), 370:1 (king), 371:1 (king, reconstructed), 373:1 (king), 375:1 (king of Arabs), 376:1 (king), 378:1 (king of Arabs), 379:1 (king), 380:1 (king), 384c:1 (king), 385:1 (king), 386:1 (king of Arabs, reconstructed), 1020c:1 (king), 1020d:1 (king, priest).

#### *snṭrq* See *snṭrwq*.

**Attestations** H 345:1, 347:1, 353:1 (king of Arabs in all three).

#### *sqyr* ʻBurned'

**Other readings** *sqyd* (Abbadi 1983, 134), cf. Saf. *s1 qdt* ʻkleiner Vogel mit roten Federn'; *sqyrḥʾ* (Vattioni 1981, 65; Aggoula 1991, 82), but the blank space between <r> and <ḥ> allows to suppose that <ḥʾ> belongs to another, partially damaged, word.

Arab male name. Abbadi (1983, 134) suggests an adjective from *saqara* ʻThe sun scorched, or burned, him' (*Lane*, 1379), hence a hypoc. form of a theophoric name such as ʻDer Sonnenverbrannte'. It is more likely to be an adjective pointing at a skin defect.

Less likely are parallels with Nab. *šqrw*, connected tentatively with Ara-

**133** The two attestations in H 112 refer to father and son.

bic *saqr* ʻfaucon', *šaqira* ʻêtre roux', *šaqir* ʻanémone' (Cantineau 1932, 153; Negev 1991, 66), *ʾašqar* ʻred-haired' (al-Theeb 1993, 246-7), or with Syr. *sqīrā* ʻhateful' (Sokoloff 2009, 1039); Saf. and Tham. *s<sup>1</sup>qr* (HIn., 322 *saqr* ʻfalcon'); cf. also Bedouin Arabic Ṣager ʻFalke' (Hess 1912, 34).

**Attestations** H 157:1.

*srʾm* ʻFlat-nosed'

**Other readings** *qdmʾḥw[hy]* ʻDer an der Spitze seiner Brüder / Er geht seinen Brüdern voran / (GN) hat ihm seinen Brüdern vorangestellt' (Vattioni 1981, 83, 1994, 62; Abbadi 1983, 47; 158, very uncertain reading; Beyer 1998, 76). Amended into *srʾm ʾḥw*[*hy*] *ʿsrʾm* [his] brother'.

Aram. male name. Plene spelling of Syr. *srāmā* ʻflat-nosed' (Sokoloff 2009, 1048).

**Attestations** H 242:2.

#### *stnbl* ʻSitānbāl (?)'

Iran. male name, probably Sitānbāl (Justi 1895, 512; Abbadi 1983, 134). Abbadi proposes also that the name may contain the theonym *bl* ʻBēl', but in this case the first part of the name would be rather enigmatic, since a verb \**stn* is not attested and *štn* does not offer compatible meanings. Odishu (1990, 466) proposes ʻBēl is a pillar (?)' on the basis of the comparison with OffA *stwn* (ʻstele' in DNWSI, 804) and Modern Syr.

**Attestations** H 36:6.

#### *ʿbʾ* ʻLizard'

**Other readings** *ʾbʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 11 for H 11:1), probably a typing error; *ʿgʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 12 for H 13:2), but the second grapheme is clearly <b>.

Aram. male name. Syr. *ʿabbā* ʻlizard' (Sokoloff 2009, 1054) with det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 134-5). Abbadi suggests also a hypoc. ʻServant (of DN)'.

Attested at Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:8) and in Palm. (Stark 1971, 102; PAT nos. 0379:5, 0447:2,4, 1447:3, 2375Obv:1, 2444Obv, 2482Obv:2).

**Attestations** H 11:1, 13:2.

*ʿbd* ʻServant (of DN)'

**Other readings** *gbr* ʻStarker' (Beyer 2008, 37-8, 2013, 30); *ʿbdlbwšʾ* (Vattioni 1981, 36, 1994, 45); *gbrlbwš* ʻLe serviteur de l'Armé, du cuirassé, du guerrier' (Aggoula 1991, 29) for H 34:5.

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 135). Attested in OA and OffA (Maraqten 1988, 93-4; 191; Lemaire 2001 no. 4:1), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 125; Negev 1991, 46), Saf., Dad., Tham., Sab., Min. (HIn., 396-397; WH, 591; Ababneh 2005 nos. 260, 373, 419, 455, 682, *etc.*; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 17, 47, 63, 121, 123, *etc.*; Rawan 2013 nos. 52, 134, 206, 229, 232, *etc*.), and Hism. (King 1990, 427-428). Cf. NWS Abdâ (<sup>m</sup>*ab*-*da*-*a*; m*ab*-*da*-*aʾ*) and Abdaʾa (<sup>m</sup>*ab*-*da*-*aʾ*-*a*) in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 3-4); Abdāʾ (<sup>m</sup>*ab*-*da*-*aʾ*) in Achaemenid Babylonia (Donbaz, Stolper 1997 no. 76:2,le.e. for the Murašû archive; Pearce, Wunsch 2014 nos. 75:2,26, 80:1); *ʿbdʾ* in Aram. epigraphs on NA tablets (Maraqten 1988, 94; 191; Lipiński 2010, 134 no. O.3717Rev:10), in a 7th century Aram. docket (Röllig 2014 no. 26:10), and in Palm. (Stark 1971, 102; PAT nos. 0027:1, 0225, 0645:7, 0843:1, 0911:1, *etc.*); Αβδας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 14; 112-3). For this root in Aramaic and other Semitic onomastic corpora, cf. Silverman (1981).

**Attestations** H 34:5 (priest in charge of dressing the god's statue);**<sup>134</sup>** H 432b:1.

#### *ʿbdʾdn* ʻServant of the Lord'

**Other readings** Not read by Aggoula (1991, 40); *ʿbdmrn* ʻSklave unseres Herren' (Beyer 1998, 41).

Aram. theophoric male name. Abbadi (1983, 135) suggests a genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym Adda. However, it is more likely that the second noun is NWS *ʾdn* ʻLord', here a theonym, without the det. suffix. Cf. also the entry *ʾdn*. Cf. Phoen. and Punic *ʿbdʾdny* (Benz 1972, 149; 369-72).

**Attestations** H 50:1.

*ʿbdʾlhʾ* ʻServant of the god'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym *ʾalāhā* ʻgod' (Abbadi 1983, 136). Cf. also the form *ʿbdlhʾ*. Attested at Assur (A 35:1), at Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:7), and in Nab. (al-

**134** For *lbwš*[*ʾ*] as a profession name I follow Milik (1972, 373) and Healey (2009, 297). Cf. also Dijkstra 1995, 224 n. 112.

Khraysheh 1986, 127; Negev 1991, 46); cf. NWS Abdi-Ēl (m*ab*-*di*-DINGIR; <sup>m</sup>*ab*-*da*-*li*), Abdi-Ilim (<sup>m</sup>*ab*-*di*-*li*-*me*; m*ab*-*di*-*li*-*mu*; PNA 1/I, 5-6) and Akk. Urdu-Ili (<sup>m</sup>ARAD-DINGIR; <sup>m</sup>*ur*-*di*-*li*; PNA 3/II, 1403-4) in NA onomastics; *ʿbdʾl* in ostraka from Beersheba (Maraqten 1988, 94; 192); Nab. *ʿbdʾl* (Negev 1991, 46), *ʿbdʾlʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 126), *ʿbdʾlh* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 127; Negev 1991, 46), and *ʿbdʾlhy* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 127; Negev 1991, 46); Saf., Tham., Sab., Qat. *ʿbdʾl* (HIn., 397; WH, 592; Ababneh 2005 no. 946; Rawan 2013 nos. 124, 132); Saf. *ʿbdʾlh* (HIn., 397; Ababneh 2005 no. 1032); Hism. (King 1990, 430), Tham., Sab., Min. *ʿbdlh* (HIn., 400).

**Attestations** H 151:1, 218:1 (chief musician), 272:3, 338:1.**<sup>135</sup>**

*ʿbdʾšr* ʻServant of Iššar'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Iššar (Abbadi 1983, 137).

Attested in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (PNA 1/I, 6; Lipiński 2010, 117 no. O.3673Obv:2); cf. Akk. Urdu-Issar (m*ur*-*du*d15; mARAD-d15; mARAD-15; mARAD-dINNIN) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1404-7); cf. Abdi-Iššar (m*ab*-*di*<sup>d</sup>*iš*-*šár*) in NB and LB texts (Zadok 1977, 36), also in the writing m*ab*-*du*<sup>d</sup>*iš*-*šar* (Pearce, Wunsch 2014 no. 52:23); cf. Αβδισαρης at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 15; 114-5) and ΑΒΔΙΣΣΑΡΟΥ on coins from Adiabene (De Callataÿ 1996; Marciak, Wójcikowski 2016, 80-1).

**Attestations** H 181:1.

*ʿbdbʿšmyn* ʻServant of Baʿalšamīn'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Baʿalšamīn, with assimilation [lš] > [šš] = <š> (Abbadi 1983, 138).

**Attestations** H 275:1.

*ʿbdgdʾ* ʻServant of Gad'

**Other readings** *ʿbdgdy* (Abbadi 1983, 188; 200).

Aram. or Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Gad and suffix -*ʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 22). Cf. Saf. *ʿbdgd* (HIn., 398).

**Attestations** H 27:7, 479:4.

**135** The same individual in H 236 (cf. *ʿbdlhʾ*), 272, and 338. H 338 was found at al-Maymūn, 7.5 km east of Hatra.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 93**

*ʿbdw* ʻServant (of DN)'

Arab male name. Hypoc. with suffix -*w* (Aggoula 1986, 356). Cf. NWS Abdû (<sup>m</sup>*ab*-*du*-*u*; m*ab*-*du*) ʻHis servant' in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 8), and Arab Abdūʾ (<sup>m</sup>*ab*-*du*-*ʾ*) in NB (Zadok 1977, 223). Attested in EA (TADD no. 22.29:4), in an Aram. inscription from Teima (Degen 1974 no. 19:1), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 102; PAT no. 0319:6), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 128-9; Negev 1991, 46; also in the Babatha archive from Naḥal Ḥever, cf. Lewis, Yadin, Greenfield 1989 no. 16:39), Saf. (HIn., 401; WH, 592).

**Attestations** H 349:1, 350:2.**<sup>136</sup>**

*ʿbdy* ʻServant (of DN)'

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. with suffix -*y* (Abbadi 1983, 139). Cf. Abdî (m*ab*-*di*-*i*; m*ab*-*de*-*e*; *ab*-*di*; m*ab*-*di*-*ia* in NB writing) in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 4-5), Abdiya (<sup>m</sup>*ab*-*di*-*ia*) in the Murašû archive (Donbaz, Stolper 1997 no. 71:10); attested in a 7th century Aram. docket (Röllig 2014 no. 16:10), in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 65; TADC no. 3.28:38; TADD nos. 8.4:9, 21.6:2), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 102; PAT nos. 0054:8, 0282:2, 0386:2, 0615A:5, 1424:3 with transcription Αβδας at line 2 of the Greek text, *etc.*), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 129-30; Negev 1991, 47), Saf., Tham., Sab., Min. (HIn., 401; WH, 592; Ababneh 2005 nos. 65, 108, 442, 531, 549, 876; al-Manaser 2008 no. 304).

**Attestations** H 24a:1, 24b:1.**<sup>137</sup>**

*ʿbdlhʾ* See *ʿbdʾlhʾ*.

**Attestations** H 86:1, 178:1, 218:1 (chief musician), 236:1,**<sup>138</sup>** 1044b:1.

*ʿbdly* ʻServant of my god'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym *ʾalāhā* ʻgod', with aphaeresis of <ʾ> and apocope of <h> (Abbadi 1983, 137). Beyer (1998, 163) interpreted it as a theophoric name with a hypoc. form of the theonym Allāt. Cf. also the form *ʿwbdʾly*, possibly built upon the diminutive.

**136** The same individual.

**137** Identical texts; the same individual.

**138** H 236, 272 (cf. *ʿbdʾlhʾ*), and 338 (cf. *ʿbdʾlhʾ*) testify to the same individual. H 338 was found at al-Maymūn, 7.5 km east of Hatra.

Attested in Nab. (Negev 1991, 47).

**Attestations** H 122:1, 124:1.

#### *ʿbdmlyk* See *ʿbdmlk*.

**Attestations** H 62:2, 89:1, 101:1, 103:1.**<sup>139</sup>**

*ʿbdmlk* ʻServant of the King'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym *mlek* ʻKing' (Abbadi 1983, 140). Cf. also the form *ʿbdmlyk*. Attested in Aram. epigraphs on a NA tablet (Lemaire 2001 no. 8\*:5),**<sup>140</sup>** on the Arad ostraka (Maraqten 1988, 95; 194-5), in Sab. (HIn., 400); cf. the abbreviated Aram. form *ʿb***<***dml***>***kʾ* on a 6th century, probably Phoen., seal (Israel 1992, 226-7; Maraqten 1988, 196 "unerklärt"); Nab. *ʿbdmlkw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 130; Negev 1991, 47); Qat. *ʿbdmlkn* (HIn., 400).

**Attestations** H 63:1, 103:1.**<sup>141</sup>**

#### *ʿbdnrgwl* ʻServant of Nergol'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Nergol (Abbadi 1983, 140).

Cf. Akk. Urdu(Arad)-Nergal (<sup>m</sup>ARAD-U.GUR; <sup>m</sup>ARAD-GIR4.KÙ) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1412); Palm. *ʿbnrgl* (Stark 1971, 103; PAT nos. 0346:3, 1468:1, 1618:2,**<sup>142</sup>** 1903:3); at Dura Europos Αβιδνηρ and Αβιδνηργιλος (Grassi 2012, 15-6; 119-20).

**Attestations** H 13:3 (fuller),**<sup>143</sup>** 294:3.

**139** Father of *ʿbdmlk*.

**140** In NA onomastics, also Phoen. Abdi-Milki (m*ab-di-mil-ki*; m*ab-di-mil-ku*) and Abdi-Milkūti (<sup>m</sup>*ab-di-mi-il-ku-ut-ti*; m*ab-di-mi-il-ku-ti*; m*ab-di-mil-ku-ut-ti*; m*ab-di-mil-ku-u-te*) are attested (PNA 1/I, 6-7). Cf. Benz 1972, 155; 344-6.

#### **141** Son of *ʿbdmlyk.*

**142** Found in the Palmyrene.

**143** The exact meaning of the profession name *kṣrʾ* is debated. Cf. the discussion in DN-WSI, 533.

#### **2 Onomastic Catalogue 95**

#### *ʿbdnšr* ʻServant of Nešra'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Nešra (Abbadi 1983, 141). Cf. also the form *ʿbdnšrʾ*.

**Attestations** H 165:1, 167:1.

#### *ʿbdnšrʾ* See *ʿbdnšr*.

**Attestations** H 1053:1.

*ʿbdsyʾ* ʻServant of Samya'

**Other readings** *ʿbsyʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 134).

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc. form of *ʿbdsmyʾ* (see below); Vattioni (1981, 91, 1994, 64), Abbadi (1983, 36), and Beyer (1998, 81) integrate *ʿbds***<***m***>***yʾ*, considering it a possible mistake of the engraver.

**Attestations** H 283:1 (weaver, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 141).

*ʿbdsmyʾ* ʻServant of Samya'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Samya (Abbadi 1983, 141). Cf. also the form *ʿbsmyʾ* with assimilation [ds] > [ss] = <s>.

Attested at Assur (A 32d:1) according to Aggoula (1985a, 58) and Beyer (1998, 24);**<sup>144</sup>** cf. *ʿbsmyʾ šlyṭʾ* ʻruler' in the monumental inscription T 5:1,2 (Shaked 2016) and in Old Syr. (OSI no. As31:1,4); Αβεδσιμεια, Αβιδσημιας, and Αβιδσημις at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 15; 16; 115; 120).

**Attestations** H 15:1, 20:1, 26:1, 28:1 (crownprince, son of king Sanaṭrūk), 35:2 (wine seller), 36:3 (king), 56:1 (master of the Standard),**<sup>145</sup>** 65:4, 75:1, 79:2 (king), 80:10, 81:1, 104:1, 112:6, 126:1, 149:1, 195:1 (king of the Arabs), 195:3 (crownprince, son of king Sanaṭrūk), 203:3 (king), 223:6 (king), 229a:1 (king), 277:2 (king), 287:4 (crownprince, son of king Sanaṭrūk), 290:5 (king), 295:2, 306:2, 318:1, 425:2, 445:1, 454:1, 455:1, 1006:1 (master of arms, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 134), 1020b:1, 1029:1.

**144** My reading is *ʿbd*[…]; some letters follow but they are not on the same line.

**145** The title *rbsmyʾ* is translated ʻmaître de l'Enseigne' by Aggoula (1991, 44), who probably refers to Caquot (1955a, 58); the latter interprets *rbsmyʾ* as the guardian of the divine standard.

*ʿbdʿgylw* ʻServant of the Little Calf'

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction with a hypoc. diminutive form of the Palm. theonym ʿAglibōl (Stark 1971, 104; Abbadi 1983, 141). For the theonym, cf. the entry *ʿgʾ*. Cf. also the forms *ʿbdʿgyly* and *ʿbdʿgylyʾ*.

**Attestations** H 37:6, 80:1,10, 141:1, 153:1, 167:1, 286:5, 347:4, 413c:2 (gate-keeper, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 141-2), 415a:1, 415b:1, 435:2, 467:1, 1051:1.

#### *ʿbdʿgyly* See *ʿbdʿgylw*.

**Other readings** *ʿbdʿgylw* (Abbadi 1983, 141 for H 324:1)

**Attestations** H 36:6, 324:1.

#### *ʿbdʿgylyʾ* See *ʿbdʿgylyw*.

**Attestations** H 254:1.

*ʿbdšʾ* ʻServant of Šamš / Šalmān'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Šamš or Šalmān in a hypoc. form (Abbadi 1983, 142). Cf. also the entries *ʿbdšlmʾ* and *ʿbdšmš*.

**Attestations** H 27:3.

*ʿbdšlmʾ* ʻServant of Šalmān'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Šalmān (Abbadi 1983, 142). Cf. also the forms *ʿbdšlmn* and <*ʿ*>*bšlmʾ*, with assimilation [dš] > [šš] = <š>, and the hypoc. *ʿbdšʾ*.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 103; PAT no. 2457Rev:1) also in the form *ʿbšlmʾ* (Stark 1971, 103-4; PAT no. 0554:2**<sup>146</sup>**); cf. Old Syr. *ʿbšlmʾ* (OSI no. As7:1). *ʿbšlmʾ* is also attested in an inscription in Hatran script of uncertain provenance (A 36:4 = Müller-Kessler 2016 no. 3).

**Attestations** H 15:1, 16a, 25:1 (great priest), 150:1, 203:1, 430:1.

**146** In the lower part of this funerary inscription.

#### *ʿbdšlmn* See *ʿbdšlmʾ*

**Attestations** H 34:4, 95:1.

#### *ʿbdšmʾ* See *ʿbdšmš*.

**Attestations** H 51:1 (priest), 1090:1.

#### *ʿbdšmš* ʻServant of Šamš'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 143). Cf. also the form *ʿbdšmʾ* and the entry *ʿbdšʾ*. Attested in Old Syr. (OSI no. Am4:8); cf. NWS Abdi-Samsi (m*ab*-*di*-d*samsi*; m*ab*-*di*-*sa*-*am*-*si*) in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 7); Palm. hypoc. *ʿbdšmyʾ* (Stark 1971, 103; PAT no. 0057:1 with transcription Αβισαμαια at line 2 of the Greek text) and *ʿbšmyʾ* (Stark 1971, 104; PAT no. 0058:2);**<sup>147</sup>** at Dura Europos Αβδασαμις, Αβδασυμσος, Αβδισαμσος, Αβιδσιμσος (Grassi 2012, 14; 15; 16; 113; 114; 120), perhaps Αβιδισωμος (Grassi 2012, 15; 117-8); Emesene Αβδασαμσος (Nitta 1989, 286); Sab. *ʿbds<sup>2</sup>ms2m* (HIn., 399).

**Attestations** H 145:2 (priest of Nergol).

*ʿbwš* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Either genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš ʻServant of Šamš' (al-Jubouri 2010a, 141), or Syr. *ʿabbūšā* ʻvaricolored' (Sokoloff 2009, 1062; Beyer 2013, 34).

**Attestations** H 457:2-5.

*ʿbḥyrn* ʻServant of the good'

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction with perhaps a *CaCCān* form of Arabic *ḫayr* ʻGood, moral or physical' (*Lane*, 829); it is less likely that the suffix -*n* is a 1st p. pronominal suffix (Abbadi 1983, 143).

Cf. Saf. *ʿbdḫr* (HIn., 398).

**Attestations** H 77:1 (blacksmith).

**147** The same individual, notwithstanding the different spellings.

*ʿby* ʻServant'

**Other readings** Vattioni (1981, 54, 1994, 50) *ʿbd* for H 96:1; Abbadi (1983, 188) amends to *ʿbd*; Aggoula (1991, 63-5) reads *ʿbw*.

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. with assimilation [bd] > [bb] = <b> and suffix -*y* (Beyer 1998, 162). However, cf. the entry *ʿbʾ* for a possible different etymology.

Attested in Saf. (HIn., 404; Ababneh 2005 no. 899).

**Attestations** H 96:1, 101:1.

*ʿbydʾ* See *ʿbydw*

**Attestations** H 248:1.

*ʿbydw* ʻLittle servant' (of DN)

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: diminutive with nominative suffix -*w* (Abbadi 1983, 144). Cf. also the form *ʿbydʾ*, with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 103; 0319:1, 0373:4, 0408:3) and Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 133-4; Negev 1991, 48); cf. Nab. *ʿbydt* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 134; Negev 1991, 48); Sab. *ʿbyd* (HIn., 404); Sab. and Qat. *ʿbydm* (HIn., 404).

**Attestations** H 179:1.

*ʿbnʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Arab male name. According to Abbadi (1983, 144), either adjective *ʿaban* ʻthick' with hypoc. or det. suffix or a noun derived from *ġabana* ʻHe cheated, deceived, overreached, or defrauded, him' (*Lane*, 2227) with det. suffix. Milik (1972, 391) proposes the theophoric ʻServant of Nanaya'; Beyer (1998, 128) suggests an assimilation [dn] > [nn] = <n>. Attested in the North-Mesopotamian inscription T 5:3 (Shaked 2016); cf. *ʿbn* in Saf. (HIn., 403; WH, 592; Ababneh 2005 no. 980; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 147, 256, 257), Hism. (King 1990, 430), Tham., and Sab. (HIn., 403); Saf. *ġbn* (HIn., 451; WH, 599) is translated ʻsimpleton'.

**Attestations** H 207:1 (mason).

*ʿbsʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Abbadi (1983, 145) suggests either a noun from Arabic *ʿabasa* ʻHe frowned; [looked sternly, austerely, or morosely;] or contracted his face' (*Lane*, 1939) with Aram. det. suffix (cf. also Stark 1971, 103; Caquot 1994, 251), or the theophoric name ʻServant of Samya' (Milik 1967, 298 n. 1; cf. *ʿbdsmyʾ* and *ʿbsmyʾ*). Attested also at Assur (A 11a:4) and in Palm. (Stark 1971, 103; PAT no. 0726:1). Palm. attestations of *ʿbšy* (Stark 1971, 103; PAT nos. 1432:3, 2605Obv:2) are connected with *ʿbsʾ* ʻsevere, austere' by Stark; cf. Nab. diminutives *ʿbyšw* and *ʿbyšt* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 134; Negev 1991, 48). Cf. Saf. *ʿbs<sup>1</sup>* (HIn., 402; WH, 592; Ababneh 2005 nos. 838, 845 translates ʻstrong' or ʻlion'; al-Manaser 2008 no. 324; Rawan 2013 nos. 58, 253) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 430) and Tham. (HIn., 402); Saf. *ʿbs1n* (HIn., 402).

**Attestations** H 13:3, 35:6, 47:2, 58:2, 96, 125:1, 133:1, 135:1, 159:1, 296:1, 300:1, 304:2, 408:4, 1044b:1.

#### *ʿbsmyʾ* See *ʿbdsmyʾ*

**Attestations** H 213:1, 333:1 (king), 341:1 (king), 367:1 (crownprince, son of king Sanaṭrūk), 368:1 (crownprince, son of king Sanaṭrūk), 369:1 (lieutenant? of king Sanaṭrūk), 373:1 (king), 374:1 (likely crownprince, son of king Sanaṭrūk, reconstructed), 375:1 (crownprince, son of king Sanaṭrūk), 1021a:2 (king).

#### *ʿbšʾ* ʻServant of Šamš'

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 146). Cf. also the form *ʿbšy*. However, we must consider a possible ambiguity with *ʿbsʾ*, to which Palm. and Nab. attestations seem to point. These names may have been written by scribes who had different linguistic backgrounds, and thus employed different graphemes for sibilant phonemes.

Attested in Old Syr. (OSI no. As9:1), also in the form *ʿbšy* (OSI no. Am3:8,11,12); for Palm. *ʿbšy* cf. the entry *ʿbsʾ*.

**Attestations** H 202e:2, 409a:1.

*ʿbšy* See *ʿbšʾ*

**Attestations** H 92:1, 1040a:1.

#### *ʿbšlmʾ* See *ʿbdšlmʾ*

**Attestations** H 202k:1.

#### *ʿgʾ* ʻCalf'

Arab theophoric male name. Hypoc. of Common Semitic *ʿGL* 'calf', in turn hypoc. of the Palm. theonym ʿAglibōl (Stark 1971, 104; Abbadi 1983, 146-7).**<sup>148</sup>** Cf. also the names *ʿbdʿgylw* and *ʿglyʾ*. Well attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 104; PAT nos. 0018:3, 0029:1, 0031:2, 0047:2, 0051:2, *etc.*; **<sup>149</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 32:5; Yon 2013a nos. 4:1, 39:2,**<sup>150</sup>** 41:2,4, 84:3, 119:3, *etc.*); at Dura Europos in a Palm. inscription (PAT no. 1113:2) and in Stark 1971, 104; the transcriptions Ογας and Ογηλος, interpreted ʻVeal' by Grassi (2012, 84; 239-40); cf. Saf. and Tham. *ʿgl* (HIn., 408; WH, 593). Attested also in an inscription in Hatran script of uncertain provenance (A 36:5 = Müller-Kessler 2016 no. 3).

**Attestations** H 5:1, 5:2, 5:4 (nicknamed ʻPious / Blue'),**<sup>151</sup>** 48:2, 51:1, 90:1, 92:1,**<sup>152</sup>** 93:1, 117:1, 172:1, 203:4, 232b:1 (nicknamed ʻPious / Blue'),**<sup>153</sup>** 256:1, 296:1, 302:1, 321:1,**<sup>154</sup>** 398:1 (sculptor), 427:1, 429:1, 432a:2, 435:1, 445:2, 439:1, 479:6, 1011:1, 1024:5, 1025:1,**<sup>155</sup>** 1071:1 (sculptor), 1087:1.

#### *ʿglyʾ* ʻLittle Calf'

**Other readings** *ʿgylyʾ* (Vattioni 1981, 81); *gglyʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 114-5; Beyer 1998, 168), tribal name.

Arab theophoric male name. Hypoc. of the Palm. theonym ʿAglibōl (Stark 1971, 104; Abbadi 1983, 147). Cf. *ʿgylw* in an inscription in

**148** For a recent discussion with plentiful comparative evidence, cf. Tubach 2008, 412-4.

**149** Cf. also PAT nos. 0266:2 with transcription of the complete theonym Ὀγήλου at line 1 of the Greek text, 1389:1 with transcription Ογα at line 2 of the Greek text.

**150** On the right side of the relief.

**151** The three attestations in H 5 refer to different individuals: smy's father and husband, and the sculptor's patronymic respectively. For the nickname, cf. the entry *zd/rqʾ*.

**152** Perhaps accompanied by the ethnonym *bgšyʾ* ʻfrom Bet Bagaš' (Aggoula 1991, 62; Beyer 1998, 168).

**153** Perhaps the same individual as in H 5:4; if so, he appears to belong to a family of masons and sculptors.

**154** Likely the same individual in H 321, 429, and 432a.

**155** The same individual in H 1024 and 1025, brother of the major-domo of Šaḥiru. Cf. the reading by Pennacchietti (1992, 199), Aggoula (1994, 406-8), and the entry *ʿqbw*.

Hatran script of uncertain provenance (A 36:5 = Müller-Kessler 2016 no. 3).

**Attestations** H 232b:2 (mason), 232c:1 (mason).**<sup>156</sup>**

*ʿdry* ʻ(DN is) my protection'

Aram. or, less likely, Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 147; Aggoula 1990, 414).

Attested on a 5th century Aram. seal (Maraqten 1988, 95; 196) and in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 66; TADB no. 8.4:3; TADC nos. 3.8:3A.8, 3.14:36, 4.2:6,a.4; TADD nos. 1.7:3, 3.31:3, 8.4:9); cf. Aram. hypoc. Idrî (<sup>m</sup>*id*-*ri*-*i*), ʾIdru (<sup>m</sup>*ʾi*-*id*-*ru*) and Idrūnu (<sup>m</sup>*id*-*ru*-*nu*; m*id*-*ra*-*u*-*nu*) in NA texts, together with complete theophoric names (PNA 2/I, 505-7; cf. also Zadok 1977, 115-6); EA *ʿdr* (Kornfeld 1978, 66; TADA no. 2.1:11; TADB no. 8.4:15); Nab. *ʿdr* and *ʿdrw* (Negev 1991, 49); Saf. *ʿḏr* (HIn., 409; WH, 593-4; Ababneh 2005 nos. 55, 170, 420, 527, 552, *etc.*; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 54, 130, 139; Rawan 2013 nos. 100, 285) attested also in Tham. and Min. (HIn., 409).

**Attestations** H 132:1, 279a:1 (priest), 410:2 (Zaqīqā-deified ancestor), 1020a:1.

*ʿdrlʾ* ʻProtection of El / The protection is El'

**Other readings** *ʿdrl* (Beyer 1998, 109), but a faintly scratched final <ʾ> is visible (Andrae 1912, 162 and Plate 54 Fig. 278); reading discussed in Aggoula (1983b, 251-2).

Aram. or, less likely, Arab theophoric male name. Either genitive construction or nominal sentence with the theonym El. The writing of the theonym, with apparent aphaeresis of <ʾ> and suffix -*ʾ*, may be due to a mistake of the scribe, who inverted <ʾ> and <l>.

Cf. NWS Idrī-il (<sup>m</sup>*id*-*ri*-DINGIR) in NA onomastics (PNA 2/I, 507; cf. also Zadok 1977, 115-6); *ʿdrʾl* in an ostrakon from Beersheba (Maraqten 1988, 95; 196); Saf. *ʿḏrʾl* (HIn., 412; WH, 594; Ababneh 2005 no. 825; al-Manaser 2008 no. 392; Rawan 2013 nos. 98, 212) attested also in Dad. (HIn., 412; Hidalgo-Chacón Díez 2009, 217-8 interprets it as a verbal sentence); Dad. *ʿzrʾl* (Hidalgo-Chacón Díez 2009, 219) attested also in Tham. (HIn., 412).

**Attestations** H 1017:1.

**156** The same individual.

#### *ʿwbdʾly* See *ʿbdly*.

**Other readings** *ʿbdʾly* (Vattioni 1981, 33, 1994, 43; Abbadi 1983, 35; 137) though the presence of another letter between <ʿ> and <b> is stressed.

**Attestations** H 25:1.

*ʿwbdw* ʻ(Little) servant (of DN)'

**Other readings** *ʿbydw* (Degen 1970, 234); *ʿwydw* (Vattioni 1981, 29, 1994, 43).

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: diminutive with nominative or hypoc. suffix -*w* (Abbadi 1983, 147). Cf. also the theophoric *ʿwbdʾly*.

**Attestations** H 16b:1.

*ʿwd* ʻProtection (of DN)'

**Other readings** *ʿbd* (Vattioni 1981, 60, 1994, 52); *dwrp dḥšʾ* ʻsoldat' (Aggoula 1991, 73).

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name. Abbadi (1983, 148) proposes ʻSchutz (von GN)' from Arabic *ʿāḏa* (*ʿwḏ*) ʻHe sought protection, or preservation, by him; sought, or took, refuge in him' (*Lane*, 2192), whereas Beyer (1998, 56) connects it with Syr. *ʿūdā* ʻflock of wool' (Sokoloff 2009, 1077). Cf. also the form *ʿwdw* and the complete theophoric *ʿwydʾlt*.

Attested in Nab. (Negev 1991, 49); cf. perhaps the Aram. theophoric Udu-Atār (<sup>m</sup>*ú*-*du*-*a*-*tar*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1372); Palm. *ʿwdw* (Stark 1971, 104; PAT no. 0326:3; perhaps Αυδος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 33; 147, uncertain reading); Nab. *ʿwdw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 135-6; Negev 1991, 46); Saf. *ʿḏ* (HIn., 411; WH, 593; Ababneh 2005 nos. 7, 286(2x), 296, 405, 465, *etc*.; al-Manaser 2008 no. 241; Rawan 2013 no. 94) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 432), Dad. and Tham. (HIn., 411), and *ʿwḏ* (HIn., 448; WH, 598; Ababneh 2005 nos. 176, 247, 370, 464, 635; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 181, 191, 296, 329, 389, 409; Rawan 2013 nos. 44, 58, 127, 335) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 441-2), Dad. and Tham. (HIn., 448).

**Attestations** H 127:1 (*bidaxš*).**<sup>157</sup>**

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 103**

**<sup>157</sup>** For the title of *bidaxš* cf. Metzger 1968, 39; Harnack 1970, 528-37; Contini, Pagano 2015, 131-2.

*ʿwdw* See *ʿwd*

**Attestations** H 65:7.

*ʿwygʾ* ʻThe little crooked'

Arab male name. Diminutive from *ʿawiğa* ʻIt was, or became, crooked, curved, bent, winding, wry, contorted, distorted, or uneven' (*Lane*, 2187) with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 148).

**Attestations** H 134:1.

*ʿwydʾlt* ʻHe who seeks refuge/trusts in Allāt'

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the active participle (I) of Arabic *ʿāḏa* (*ʿwḏ*) ʻHe sought protection, or preservation, by him; sought, or took, refuge in him' (*Lane*, 2192) and the theonym Allāt (Abbadi 1983, 148-9). Cf. also the forms *ʿwydlt*, *ʿydly* (integrated *ʿ***<***w***>***ydly* in Moriggi forthcoming) and the relevant onomastic parallels.

**Attestations** H 230:3, 345:6 (major-domo of Maren).

*ʿwydʾšr* ʻHe who seeks refuge/trusts in Iššar'

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the active participle (I) of Arabic *ʿāḏa* (*ʿwḏ*) ʻHe sought protection, or preservation, by him; sought, or took, refuge in him' (*Lane*, 2192) and the theonym Iššar (Abbadi 1983, 149). Cf. also the form *ʿwydšr*. Attested at Khirbet Ğaddāla (G 2:4; Pennacchietti 1988a, 142-3 ʻprotetto dal dio Assur').

**Attestations** H 204:2, 227:1, 1031b:2.

*ʿwydw* ʻHe who seeks refuge/trusts (in DN)'

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with nominative or hypoc. suffix -*w* (Abbadi 1983, 149).

Attested in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 136; Negev 1991, 46); cf. *ʿwyd* in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Maraqten 1988, 95; 196; PNA 1/I, 238; Fales 1986, 258 no. 58:2.7 prefers *ʿwyr* ʻblind'); Palm. *ʿwyd* (Stark 1971, 105; PAT nos. 2343Rev:2, 2770:1; Yon 2013a no. 146:1); Nab. *ʿwyd* (Negev 1991, 46), *ʿwydʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 136; Negev 1991, 46).

**Attestations** H 318:1.

*ʿwydlt* See *ʿwydʾlt*.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 105; PAT nos. 0099, 1148:2, 1179:1, 1594:1, 1790A:2-B:3 with transcription Ἀουειδαλλάθου in line 6 of the Greek text)**<sup>158</sup>** and Old Syr. (OSI no. As55:3).

**Attestations** H 1049:1 (veteran, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 129).

*ʿwydšr* See *ʿwydʾšr*.

**Attestations** H 1044b:1.

*ʿzʾ* ʻMight (of DN) / ʿUzzā'

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with det. or hypoc. suffix, or hypoc. form of the theonym ʿUzzā (Abbadi 1983, 150). Cf. also the entries *ʿzy* and *ʿztw*.

Perhaps attested in NA onomastics as Azā (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*za*-*a*), although PNA (1/I, 238) favours an Iran. origin; attested in OA and OffA (Maraqten 1988, 95; 197), notably in an epigraph on a NA tablet (Lemaire 2001 no. 6:2.2), in Nab. (Negev 1991, 50 theonym ʿUzzā), and Saf. (HIn., 417; WH, 594; Ababneh 2005 no. 1033).

**Attestations** H 155:1.

*ʿzy* ʻMight (of DN) / ʿUzzā'

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with hypoc. suffix -*y* or hypoc. form of the theonym ʿUzzā (Abbadi 1983, 150).

Cf. Azî (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*zi*-*i*) in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 239); attested on an Aram. seal (Avigad, Sass 1997 no. 1116), at Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:4), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 105; PAT nos. 2478Obv:1, 2479Rev:1; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 51:3), in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 138; Negev 1991, 50), in Saf. (HIn., 419; Ababneh 2005 no. 1033), Hism. (King 1990, 433), and Min. (HIn., 419); cf. Αζζαιος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 19; 131); Saf. *ʿzhm* ʻtheir glory' (HIn., 419; Ababneh 2005 no. 247; Rawan 2013 no. 127 interprets ʻ*ʿz* ist tapfer' or ʻ*ʿz* ist ein Löwe').

**Attestations** H 327:1, 427:2.**<sup>159</sup>**


**2 Onomastic Catalogue 105**

*ʿztw* ʻMight (of DN)'

Arab male name. Hypoc., probably of a theophoric name with nominative or hypoc. suffix -*w*. Aggoula (1986, 358-9) interprets it as a theophoric name ʻThe might of Atargatis'.

Cf. Saf. *ʿzt* (HIn., 417 ʻyoung gazelle'; al-Manaser 2008 no. 253).

**Attestations** H 357:1.

*ʿydly* See *ʿwydʾlt*

**Attestations** H 1069:1.

*ʿyny* ʻMy eye (is DN)'

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 150-1).

Cf. in NA onomastics Akk. Ēnā-ṭābi (m*e*-*na*-*ṭa*-*bi*) and Ēnī-Aššūr (m*e*-*ni*-*aššur*; m*e*-*na*-*aš*-*šur*), and NWS Ēnī-il (m*e*-*ni*-DINGIR; mIGI.2.MEŠ-DINGIR; <sup>m</sup>*a*-*i*-*ni*-DINGIR; PNA 1/II, 396-7); at Assur *ʿyny* (A 4:7), *ʿynn* (A 15a:2), and *ʿynʿlʾsr* (A 15f:1, 32h:1); Min. *ʿyn* and *ʿynl* (HIn., 451); Qat. *ʿynw* (HIn., 451).

**Attestations** H 269:1.

*ʿky* ʻFeverish'

Arab male name. Adjective with *nisbe* suffix -*y* from *ʿakka* ʻIt (a day) was, or became, [sultry; i.e.] vehemently hot, with moisture, and without wind; He (a man) was, or became, fevered' (*Lane*, 2118; Abbadi 1983, 151). Cf. Palm. *ʾʿky* (Yon 2013a no. 57:3,18 tribal name); Nab. *ʿkyw* (Negev 1991, 51); Saf. *ʿk* (HIn., 428; WH, 595; Ababneh 2005 nos. 470, 753, 784, 791; al-Manaser 2008 no. 326; Rawan 2013 nos. 64, 177) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 435) and Tham. (HIn., 428), and *ʿkk* (HIn., 429; WH, 596; Ababneh 2005 no. 171 also ʻthe strong/fat man'; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 148, 254).

**Attestations** H 315:2.

*ʿly* ʻ(DN is) exalted'

**Other readings** *[ʿbd]ly* (Vattioni 1981, 66; Abbadi 1983, 35); *ʿ[bdʾ]ly* (Beyer 1998, 61); however, both readings are not plausible due to the lack of space between the visible <ʿ> and <l> (cf. handcopy in Safar 1962, 47).

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Aggoula 1991, 82). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 105; PAT no. 1287:1), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 141-2; Negev 1991, 51), Saf. (HIn., 433; WH, 596; Ababneh 2005 nos. 24, 653, 655; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 29, 266, 351, 403, 404, 407; Rawan 2013 nos. 156, 211, 304), Hism. (King 1990, 437-8), Dad., Tham., Qat. (HIn., 433).

**Attestations** H 160:1.

*ʿlt* ʻ(DN is) exalted'

Arab male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: the adjective should have referred to a female theonym (Abbadi 1983, 151). Aggoula (1991, 11) interprets it as a variant of *ʿltʾ* (see below).

Attested in Saf. (HIn., 430 ʻweakness, excuse'; WH, 596; Ababneh 2005 no. 161 ʻhighborn; sickness') and Hism. (King 1990, 436 ʻdisease, sickness'); cf. the Nab. male name *ʿlyt* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 142; Negev 1991, 51), attested also in Tham. and Qat. (HIn., 433).

**Attestations** H 11:1.

*ʿltʾ* ʻ(DN is) exalted'

**Other readings** *glsʾ* ʻ(Der Gott …) handelte vor Tagesanbruch', Arab name (Beyer 1998, 157 for H 54:2). Cf. the hand-copy in Safar (1953, 247-8).

Arab female name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with Aram. det. or hypoc. suffix; as for *ʿlt*, it should have referred to a goddess (Abbadi 1983, 152; Aggoula 1991, 43).

Cf. Palm. female names *ʿlyt* (Stark 1971, 106; PAT nos. 0615D:1, 0616:1, 0771:1, 0772:1, 0861:3, *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 53:1) and *ʿlytʾ* (Yon 2013a no. 126:1).

**Attestations** H 54:2, 55:1,**<sup>160</sup>** 1106:2.

*ʿnn* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Hypoc. Possibly ʻN (…) answered', theophoric name with a hypoc. of the theonym Nabû or Nanaya. The verb may be also Arabic *ʿanna* ʻIt appeared before one' (*Lane*, 2162-3). Stark (1971, 106), followed by Beyer (2013, 32), suggests Arabic *ʿanān* ʻcloud'.

**<sup>160</sup>** Perhaps the same individual.

Attested in Aram. epigraphs on NA tablets (Maraqten 1988, 96; Lipiński 2010, 132 no. O.3702ble.e:1;**<sup>161</sup>** 134 no. O.3717Obv:3; 144 no. O.3652Rev:9; 170 no. O.3657Rev:8) and in Palm. (PAT nos. 0055:7, 0346:4,6), also in the forms *ʿnyny* (Stark 1971, 106 diminutive; PAT no. 2170Obv:2) and *ʿnnw* (PAT nos. 0340A:6,7,**<sup>162</sup>** 0594:2, 1463:1, 2798:1), Saf. (HIn., 445; WH, 598; Ababneh 2005 nos. 17, 143 ʻexpostulator, protester, clouds; forerunner'), Hism. (King 1990, 441), and Dad. (Farès-Drappeau 2005 no. D117:1-2); cf. EA *ʿnnʾ* (Segal 1983 no. 50:11).

**Attestations** H 447:1.

*ʿnny* ʻ(DN) answered me'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 152). Milik (1972, 393) suggests a hypoc. form of *ʿbdnny* ʻservant of Nanaya'. Cf. also the entry *ʿnn*.

Attested in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 67; TADA nos. 3.9:6, 4.3:4,10,11, 4.7:19, 4.8:18; TADB nos. 3.1:20, 3.2:2, 3.3:7,9,10,11,12,13,14,16, 3.5:18,19, 3.7:2,3,6,12,14,15; TADC nos. 3.15:9,12,47,49,61,73,84,131; TADD nos. 2.22:2,3, 3.4:1,2, 3.17:7, 3.18:5), on an ostrakon from Arad (Maraqten 1988, 96; 200), in a Samarian papyrus (Dušek 2007 no. 3:10; cf. also Moore Cross 2006, 83), in Palm. (PAT nos. 0340B:6,7-C:6,7, 1175:3, 1739:7; Yon 2013a nos. 19:g,**<sup>163</sup>** 71:2,3,4) although Stark (1971, 106) suggests Arabic *ʿanān* ʻcloud' (cf. *ʿnn*).

**Attestations** H 16b:1.

*ʿṣy* ʻRebellious'

**Other readings** Vattioni (1981, 43) for H 54:1 and Abbadi (1983, 40; 145) *ʿbny*.

Arab male name. Adjective *ʿaṣī* ʻDisobedient, or rebellious' (*Lane*, 2069; Abbadi 1983, 153); the same root is attested at Deir Alla (Hoftijzer, van der Kooij 1976, 228).

Attested in Saf. (HIn., 423; WH, 595); cf. Nab. *ʿṣyw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 147; Negev 1991, 53); Sab. *ʿṣyt* (HIn., 434).

**Attestations** H 53:5, 54:1.**<sup>164</sup>**


*ʿqʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Arab male name. The context of the attestations in H 408 (regarding the building of an *iwan* by a tribal group) points to a hypoc. like Saf. *ʿq* (HIn., 426 ʻdisobedient'; WH, 595; Ababneh 2005 nos. 475, 506, 1041 ʻcoward; stingy'), attested also in the form *ʿqy* (al-Manaser 2008 no. 316); they may be related to Saf. *ʿwq* ʻ(D) to be imprisoned' (Al-Jallad 2015, 305).

**Attestations** H 391:1, 392:1,**<sup>165</sup>** 408:1,4, 408:2, 408:9 (2x, ʻmaster of the plumb line' and scribe).**<sup>166</sup>**

*ʿqb* ʻ(DN) protected / Eagle'

**Other readings** *nš˹r˺ʿqb* (Beyer 2013, 28 for H 425:3-4).

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name, or perhaps theonym ʻEagle' (Abbadi 1983, 153; Pennacchietti 2007).

Attested in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 67; TADC no. 4.3:16; TADD no. 1.1:12), Saf., Sab., Min., Hadr. (HIn., 426; WH, 595); cf. NWS Aqaba (m*a*-*qa*-*ba*) in NA onomastics (PNA 1/I, 120) and Bedouin Arabic ʿÖgâb ʻAdler' (Hess 1912, 40).

**Attestations** H 19:1, 49:3 (administrator? of Baʿalšamīn's temple), 186:1, 360:1, 387:1, 425:4, 428:2.

#### *ʿqbʾ* See *ʿqb*.

**Attestations** H 223:3 (major-domo of Barmaren), 224:4 (major-domo of Barmaren),**<sup>167</sup>** 409b:1.

*ʿqbw* ʻ(DN) protected / Eagle'

**Other readings** *ʿqbwl* ʻ(Der Gott) Bōl beschützte (den Sohn)' (Beyer 2013, 30 for H 435:2) but <l> belongs more likely to a following <l[ṭb]> (al-Jubouri 2010a) and the Palmyrene theonym *bwl* is never attested at Hatra; *ʿqby* (Beyer 2013, 33 in H 450:2); *ʾḥdʿqbw* ʻGefangener des (Gottes) Adler' (Beyer 1998, 110 in H 1024:5), for which cf. also Pennacchietti (2007, 396).

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name, or perhaps theonym ʻEagle' with hypoc. or nominative suffix (Pennacchietti 2007). Cf. also the entry *brʿqbw*.

**165** Perhaps we face the same individual in H 391 and 392.

**166** H 408 commemorates the building of an iwan in Small Shrine 13 and refers to at least three different individuals named *ʿqʾ*: the builder (lines 1, 4 and perhaps 9 with the title *mrmsʾ* ʻmaster of the plumb line', though this may be a fourth homonym), his grandfather (line 2), and the scribe (line 9).

**167** The same individual in H 223 and 224.

Perhaps already attested as Aqūbu (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*qu*-*bu*) in the Murašû archive (Stolper 1985 no. 23:4', 55:8, 74:le.e., 91:11; Donbaz, Stolper 1997 nos. 54:(8), 104:13,le.e.); attested in Nab. (Negev 1991, 54).

**Attestations** H 435:2, 450:2, 1024:5, 1025:1 (major-domo of Šaḥiru).**<sup>168</sup>**

*ʿqbwy* ʻ(DN) protected (?)'

**Other readings** *ʿqby/ww/y* (Aggoula 1977, 132); *ʿqbry* (Vattioni 1981, 100); *ʿqby/w* (Aggoula 1991, 151); *ʿqbyw* (Vattioni 1994, 67); *ʿqbyy* (Beyer 1998, 88). Cf. the hand-copy (photograph not available) in al-Salihi (1975, 183): the last two graphemes have different shapes.

Aram. male name. Probably hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 153-4; Pennacchietti 2007, 391); the suffix may already be attested in NB Aqabuya (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*qa*-*bu*-*ia*; Zadok 1977, 117-8).

**Attestations** H 324:1 (soldier, veteran? cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 129).

*ʿqby* ʻ(DN) protected / Eagle'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name, or perhaps theonym ʻEagle' with hypoc. suffix -*y* (Pennacchietti 2007).

Cf. NB Aqabiya (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*qa*-*bi*-*ia*) and Aqabuya (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*qa*-*bu*-*ia*; Zadok 1977, 117-8), and Aqūbiya (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*qu*-*bi-iá*) in the Murašû archive (Stolper 1985 no. 10:4); attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 107; PAT nos. 0922:6, 0923:5, 0977:6).

**Attestations** H 463:1 (great priest of Nanaya and elder), 464:1 (2x; great priest of Nanaya and his grandfather).

*ʿqbn* ʻN… (DN) protected / Little Eagle'

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: verbal sentence with the hypoc. form of a theonym, or diminutive form of the theonym ʻEagle' (Abbadi 1983, 154; Pennacchietti 2007). Attested in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 67; TADB no. 4.2:12; TADD no. 7.56:3).

**Attestations** H 49:3.

*ʿqbsmyʾ* ʻSamya protected'

**Other readings** *ʿqbšmyʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 50).

**168** The same individual in H 1024 and 1025. Reading by Pennacchietti (1992, 199) and Aggoula (1994, 406-8).

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with theonym Samya (Abbadi 1983, 154).

**Attestations** H 69:3-6.

*ʿqbšmʾ* ʻŠamš protected'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 154). Following Pennacchietti (2007), it may be ʻThe Eagle of Šamš'. Cf. the entries *ʿqbšmš* and *šmšʿqb* for the complete name.

Attested at Assur (A 10:1, 27i:2, 29j:2**<sup>169</sup>**) also in the form *ʿq[y]bšmʾ* (A 6b:3).

**Attestations** H 27:4, 393a:1, 405:3, 456:1, 1056:6.

*ʿqbšmš* ʻŠamš protected'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Beyer 1998, 104). As for *ʿqbšmʾ*, it may be ʻThe Eagle of Šamš' (Pennacchietti 2007). Cf. also the entry *šmšʿqb*.

**Attestations** H 363:4, 411b:1.

*ʿqybʾ* ʻProtected (by DN) / Little Eagle'

**Other readings** *ʿqwbʾ* (Abbadi 1983, 155).

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: either Aram. passive participle with det. or hypoc. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 155), or diminutive of the theonym ʻEagle' (cf. *ʿqbn*; Pennacchietti 2007).

Attested in a Samaria papyrus (Moore Cross 2006, 83-4; Dušek 2007 no. 11v:3,4(?)), at Assur (A 33d:1) and in Palm. (Stark 1971, 107; PAT nos. 0466:1, 0753:3; Yon 2013a no. 118:4). Cf. Ακειβας and Ακιβα at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 21; 134). Stark (1971, 107) suggests a connection with *ʿqb* ʻheel' (DNWSI, 881; Pennacchietti 2007, 391).

**Attestations** H 16a:1 (major-domo of Baʿalšamīn), 162:1, 163:1, 184:1, 185:1, 200:4, 400:1, 1007:1, 1008a:1, 1015:1, 1042:1, 1054b.c.

**169** The attestation of this name in A 29j:2 is read by Aggoula 1985a, 56; my reading is *ʿ*[…].

*ʿqybšmš* ʻProtected of (by) Šamš'

**Other readings** *ʿqwbšmš* (Abbadi 1983, 45; 155).

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Šamš. Following Pennacchietti (2007), it may also be a genitive construction with the diminutive of the theonym ʻEagle'.

**Attestations** H 62:2, 64:1.

*ʿqrbn* ʻLittle scorpion'

Aram. or Arab male name. Diminutive (Abbadi 1983, 156); cf. also the form *ʿqrbnʾ* with det. suffix.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 107; PAT no. 0810:1; cf. also al-Hariri 2013 for the tomb of ʿAqraban), Saf. (HIn., 427; WH, 595), Hism. (King 1990, 435), Tham. and Sab. (HIn., 427); cf. Ακαραβανης and Ακραβανης at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 21; 133; 135); Emesene Ακραβανης and Ακραβη (Nitta 1989, 287); Nab. *ʿqrb* (Negev 1991, 54) interpreted by Negev (1991, 161) as the constellation Scorpius; Saf. *ʿqrb* (HIn., 427; WH, 595; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 61, 79, 211; Rawan 2013 no. 124) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 435), Dad., Tham., and Qat. (HIn., 427).

**Attestations** H 102:1, 255:1, 394:1, 395:1.

#### *ʿqrbnʾ* See *ʿqrbn*.

**Attestations** H 346:7.

*ʿšy* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male (nick?)name. Perhaps *nisbe* from Arabic *ʿašā*  ʻWeakness of sight: or sightlessness by night with ability to see by day: or badness of sight by night and by day' (*Lane*, 2055; Abbadi 1983, 156). Cf. also *ʿašiyy* ʻThe late part of the evening' (*Lane*, 2056). However, *ʿšy* at Hatra is also a profession name ʻplasterer', cf. the entry *zbw*/*yd*. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 107 ʻevening'; PAT no. 0445:1) and Old Syr. (OSI no. As12:1); cf. Saf. *ʿ***s1** (HIn., 419 Arabic *ʿass* ʻnight patrol'; WH, 594) attested also in Tham. (Van den Branden 1965 nos. Ph. 184 (a):2, Ph. 303 (b)), or *ʿ***s2** in Saf. (HIn., 421 Arabic *ʿašša* ʻto be lean' or *ʿušš* ʻnest'; WH, 595), Hism. (King 1990, 434), and Tham. (Van den Branden 1965 nos. Ph. 284 (b), Ph. 314 (f)).

**Attestations** H 85:1.

#### *ʿty* ʻʿAtte/Atargatis / Proud'

Aram. or Arab male name. Either theonym ʿAtte/Atargatis (al-Jubouri 2010b, 49) or Arabic *ʿatiyy* ʻProud, and immoderate, inordinate, or exorbitant' (*Lane*, 1951). Connected by al-Jubouri (2010b, 49) with ʿAttay attested in 1 Chr 2:35 (Rechenmacher 2012, 67 refers to *ʿty* ʻto be proud'); attested in Palm. (theonym) both as male (Stark 1971, 108; PAT nos. 0583:1, 0584:1, 1569:5,**<sup>170</sup>** 1639:1) and female (PAT nos. 0498:1, 0641:1, 0784:2, 0793:1, 0815:1, *etc.*), Saf. and Tham. (HIn., 405 ʻrebellious'; WH, 593). Cf. Ααθαιος/Αθθαιος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 13; 20; 106; 131-2; Gzella 2015b, 462), considered a hypoc. built upon the theonym ʿAtte.

**Attestations** H 478:1.

#### *plq* ʻDawn'

Arab male name. Arabic *falaq* ʻThe daybreak, or dawn' (*Lane*, 2442; Abbadi 1983, 157). Cf. Saf. *flq* (HIn., 471).

**Attestations** H 132:1.

#### *prhnd*/*r* Uncertain meaning.

Male name, possibly Iran. Bertolino (2008, 10) reads *prhnd*; Beyer (1998, 106) reads *prhnr*. Perhaps a theophoric name with the theonym Farrah.

**Attestations** H 416:2,5.

#### *ṣdyq* ʻSincere'

**Other readings** *ṣdym* (Vattioni 1981, 52, 1994, 50); *ṣd/rym* (Abbadi 1983, 157): *ṣdym* adjective or diminutive from Arabic *ṣadama* ʻHe struck it, or knocked it' (Lane, 1669), *ṣrym* from Arabic *ṣarama* ʻHe cut it in any manner: he cut it through (…) so as to separate it' (Lane, 1683).

Arab male name, perhaps hypoc. of a theophoric name. Cf. the entry *zd*/*rqʾ* for the Hatran spelling *zdq* of *ṣdq* ʻto be just; correct'. This is most probably an Arab spelling; cf. Σαδοκας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 91; 252); Saf. *ṣdq* (HIn., 369 interpreted as diminutive, cf. the relevant compound names; WH, 640) attested also in Sab., Qat., Min., Hadr. (HIn., 369). Perhaps attested as *ṣdy***<***q***>** in a 7th century Aram. docket (Röllig 2014 no. 11').

**Attestations** H 85:1.

**170** Found at Jebel al-Merah, in the Palmyrene.

*qwpʾ* ʻMonkey'

Aram. male name. Syr. *qūpā* ʻape, monkey' (Sokoloff 2009, 1338) with det. suffix (Caquot 1955a, 58). Abbadi (1983, 158) proposes Arabic *qafan*  ʻNacken' (Wehr 1985, 1048). Cf. also the form *qpʾ*. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 110; PAT nos. 0554inf:1, 2734:4, 2737).**<sup>171</sup>**

**Attestations** H 57:2.

#### *qyymt* See *qymt*

**Attestations** H 1083:1.

*qymy* ʻPrecious / Steady'

Arab female name. Arabic *qayyim* ʻwertvoll, ausgezeichnet' (Wehr 1985, 1069) or *qayyām* ʻbeständig' (Abbadi 1983, 159) with suffix -*y*. Probably hypoc. of a theophoric name.

Attested in Palm. as a male name (Stark 1971, 110; PAT no. 1502:4), also in the form *qymw* (Stark 1971, 110; PAT no. 1382:1 with transcription Καιεμου in lines 3-4 of the Greek text), in Old Syr. (OSI nos. As6:2, As33:1), also in the form *qmy* (OSI no. Am8:7); cf. Nab. *qymw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 159-60; Negev 1991, 58; Macdonald 1999, 283); Saf. *qym* ʻsupreme; ruler' (HIn., 492; WH, 604; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 43, 180; Rawan 2013 no. 343) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 452).

**Attestations** H 35:2.

*qymt* ʻPrecious / Steady'

**Other readings** *qwst* (*qwddt*, *qwrrt*, *qwqt*) (Vattioni 1981, 54); *qwr/dr/dt* (Abbadi 1983, 47; 159).

Arab male name. Arabic *qayyim* ʻwertvoll, ausgezeichnet' (Wehr 1985, 1069) or *qayyām* ʻbeständig' (Abbadi 1983, 159-60) with f. ending. Pro-e bably hypoc. of a theophoric name. Cf. also the forms *qyymt* (Moriggi, Bucci 2016, 110) and *qymty* with hypoc. suffix -*y*; Abbadi suggests also a theophoric name with a hypoc. form of ʿAtte/Atargatis.

Attested in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 160; Negev 1991, 58); Saf. (HIn., 492 Arabic *qīma* ʻperseverance'; WH, 604; Ababneh 2005 no.

**<sup>171</sup>** PAT nos. 2734 and 2737 were found at Rijelat Umm-Kubar, Iraq.

229; al-Manaser 2008 no. 143), Hism. (King 1990, 452), and Tham. (HIn., 492).

**Attestations** H 97:1, 472:2 (priest of Nanaya), 474:1 (priest of Nanaya), 475:1 (priest of Nanaya).**<sup>172</sup>**

#### *qymty* See *qymt*.

**Attestations** H 164:1 (royal slaughterer, priestly title?).

#### *qynt* ʻSongstress / Maid-servant'

Arab female (?) name. Arabic *qayna* ʻSängerin; Zofe' (Wehr 1985, 1077); cf. the edict H 342, concerning temple wailers (recently Kaizer 2006, 143-4) and *qynh* ʻsinging' in the title *rbqyntʾ* ʻchief of wailers' (H 43:3, 202c; DNWSI, 1008-9). Aggoula (1983a, 102) proposes ʻfemale slave'. Attested in Saf. and Min. (HIn., 492); cf. Saf. *qn* (HIn., 489; Ababneh 2005 nos. 64, 602, 645, 701, 1067; Rawan 2013 nos. 32, 146, 169, 256, 327) attested also in Dad. (HIn., 489; Farès-Drappeau 2005 no. D54:3 female name) and Tham. (HIn., 489), and *qyn* (HIn., 492 *qayn* ʻsmith, artisan'; Ababneh 2005 no. 122) attested also in Sab. (HIn., 492) and Min. (al-Said 1995, 152 ʻAusbesserung, Wiederherstellung').

**Attestations** H 460:1.

#### *qpʾ* See *qwpʾ*.

**Attestations** H 105:1.

*qrwnʾ* ʻThe horned one'

Aram. male name. Passive participle (Canaanite *CaCūC* pattern) with det. suffix; cf. *qrn* ʻhorn'. It probably refers to a deity, since at Hatra two small horns are a rather common divine attribute (Dirven 2015). Cf. NWS Qarnāia (NA <sup>m</sup>*qar*-*na*-*ia*; NB m*qar*-*na*-*a*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/I, 1008); Palm. *qryn* (Stark 1971, 110; PAT nos. 1671B:1,**<sup>173</sup>** 1914:3,4) and the diminutive *qrynw* (Stark 1971, 110; PAT nos. 0182:3,4, 0206:2, 1913:5, 2506Rev, 2552Rev:1); Saf. and Min. *qrn* (HIn., 480).

**Attestations** H 1019:2.

**172** The last three attestations refer to the same individual.

**173** Found at Khirbet Semrin, in the Palmyrene.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 115**

*qšbrmryn* ʻBarmaren decreed'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Barmaren (Beyer 1998, 110). Following Pennacchietti (1987, 112 and 1988b, 50; cf. also Kaizer 2006, 145), <qš> is a defective writing for <qšš>.

**Attestations** H 1026:1.

*rʾyt* ʻRāyt'

**Other readings** *dyt* ʻAtargatis est mon amour' (Aggoula 1991, 135); *byt g[...]bd/rʾ*, a probable family name according to Bertolino (2013, 188).

Iran. male name, Rāyt, attested also in the transcription Οροίτης (Justi 1895, 234; Beyer 1998, 92 ʻschöner Knabe'). Cf. also the form *ryt*, interpreted by Abbadi (1983, 163) as an adjective from Arabic *rāṯa* (*ryṯ*) ʻHe, or it, was, or became, slow, tardy, dilatory, late, or backward' (*Lane*, 1199), and by Odishu (1990, 479) as Arabic ʻThe hesitater'.

**Attestations** H 342:3 (major-domo), H 1058:1 (treasurer).

*rʾmt* ʻYoung she-camel / Antelope'

Arab male name, *raʾma* ʻA she camel's young one' (*Lane*, 997) or *riʾma* ʻwhite antelope' (*Lane*, 998; Abbadi 1983, 160). Attested in Hadr. (HIn., 262); cf. Saf. and Tham. *rʾm* (HIn., 262; WH, 576) and Bedouin Arabic Rīmân ʻGazelle' (Hess 1912, 27).

**Attestations** H 168:1.

*rby* ʻMy master (is DN)'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 161). Attested in Old Syr. (OSI no. As7:1) and Saf. (HIn., 268; Ababneh 2005 nos. 83, 401); cf. Akk. theophoric Rabba-Il (m*rab*-*ba*-DINGIR) and Rabbiilu (<sup>m</sup>*rab*-*bi*-DINGIR) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/I, 1027); EA *rbyʾ* (Segal 1983 no. 36:1); Palm. *rbʾ* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT nos. 0208:10,11, 1506:5), *rbw* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT no. 2183Rev:2), *rbʾl* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT nos. 0095:5, 0314:5, 0321:1, 0515:3 with transcription Ραββήλου at line 3 of the Greek text, 0543:2, *etc.*; Yon 2013a nos. 3:2 reconstructed, cf. the transcription RABBELUM at line 2 of the Latin text and [Ρ]αββηλο[ν] at line 2 of the Greek text, 44:2); Nab. *rbʾl* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 163; Negev 1991, 59); Saf. *rbw* (al-Manaser 2008 no. 299) and *rbʾl* (HIn., 263; WH, 576; Ababneh 2005 nos. 94, 743, 960; al-Manaser 2008 no. 353; Rawan 2013 no. 10) attested also in Tham., Sab., Min., Hadr. (HIn., 263).

**Attestations** H 295:2 (carpenter).

*rbn* ʻ(DN is) master'

**Other readings** *lṭwbn* (Vattioni 1981, 65, 1994, 54); *lṭbyn* (Abbadi 1983, 25; 119 in H 155:1).

Aram. male name. Divine epithet or official title *rbn* ʻmaster' (DNWSI, 1055; Abbadi 1983, 161-2). Abbadi suggests also a genitive construction with the hypoc. form of a theonym such as Nabû, Nanaya or Nešra. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 111; PAT no. 2742:5**<sup>174</sup>**), Saf. (HIn., 267; WH, 576; Ababneh 2005 nos. 382, 574, 877; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 66, 92, 119), Tham. and Qat. (HIn., 267).

**Attestations** H 146b:1, 155:1.

*rbtʾ* ʻGreatness (of DN)'

**Other readings** Not considered as a personal name by either Abbadi (1983, 201) or Beyer (1998, 37).

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with det. suffix, cf. Syr. *rabbūtā* ʻgreatness' (Sokoloff 2009, 1426). Aggoula (1991, 26) proposes a genitive construction with the theonym ʿAtte/Atargatis, with aphaeresis of <ʿ>.

Cf. Palm. *rbt* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT nos. 0253:2 with transcription RU-BATIS at line 2 of the Latin text,**<sup>175</sup>** 0711:1) and *rbwty* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT no. 0729:2); Old Syr. *rbytʾ* (OSI no. Cs3:2; Laflı 2016 no. 1:2).

**Attestations** H 31:3.

*rw*/*zḥw* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. Uncertain reading.

*rwḥw*: (Aggoula 1991, 71) ʻwind; spirit' with hypoc. suffix -*w*. Attested in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 164-5; Negev 1991, 60; Macdonald 1999, 284-5); cf. Saf. and Tham. *rwḥ* (HIn., 290; WH, 579; Ababneh 2005 nos. 1028, 1069; al-Manaser 2008 no. 133).

*rzḥw*: Caquot (1964, 255) and Abbadi (1983, 162) consider it the Aram.

**174** Found at Rijelat Umm-Kubar, Iraq.

**175** Found at al-Kantara, Algeria.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 117**

transcription of the Iran. Rōzweh (Justi 1895, 266-7); this reconstruction is disputed by Weber (2005, 413), who proposes *razah*-*wā*.

**Attestations** H 117:1, 118:1, 121:1.**<sup>176</sup>**

*rḥdd* ʻThe spirit of Dāda'

**Other readings** *dhdd* (Vattioni 1981, 96); *rwḥdd* ʻHadad hat (mir) Ruhe verschafft' (Abbadi 1983, 162), but <w> is not visible in the hand-copy (photograph not available) in al-Salihi 1975, 174; *d/ rḥd/r/d/r* (Aggoula 1991, 145); *dwḥdd* ʻBesitz des (Gottes) Hadad' (Beyer 1998, 86).

Aram. theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Dāda ʻpaternal uncle'.

Attested as Rûḫu-Dādi (<sup>m</sup>*ru*-*ḫu*-U.U) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/I, 1053); cf. Palm. theophoric *rwḥbl* (Stark 1971, 111; PAT nos. 0044:2, 0051:2, 0052:2) or Saf. and Sab. *rḥʾl* (HIn., 272; Ababneh 2005 no. 48).

**Attestations** H 298:1.

*rḥmny* ʻNanaya was compassionate / (DN) had mercy of me'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Nanaya (Abbadi 1983, 163) or hypoc. of a theophoric name (Beyer 1998, 166).

**Attestations** H 166:1, 170:1,**<sup>177</sup>** 410:2.

*rḥmšmš* ʻŠamš was compassionate'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 163).

**Attestations** H 288b:10.

#### *rymw* See *rmw*

**Other readings** *rwmy* ʻRömer' (Beyer 2013, 29); if so, perhaps a nickname or ethnonym.

**Attestations** H 431:1.

**177** The same individual in H 166 and 170.

**<sup>176</sup>** The same individual in H 118 and 121.

#### *ryt* See *rʾyt*.

**Attestations** H 284:1.

*rmw* ʻ(DN is) exalted'

**Other readings** *rmy* (Bertolino 2008, 10).

Aram. male name. Probably hypoc. of a theophoric name, with hypoc. suffix -*w* (Abbadi 1983, 164). Cf. also the form *rymw*. For a complete theophoric name, cf. the entry *rmšmš*.

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 112; PAT no. 1586) also in the forms *rmʾ* (Stark 1971, 112; PAT nos. 0613:1, 1449:1) and *rmy* (Stark 1971, 112; PAT nos. 0092:3, 0729:2, 0730:2, 0961:3, 1183:1, *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. 17:2 female, 34:2 male; Yon 2013a nos. 11e:2, 35:1, 174:2), at Dura Europos in a Palm. inscription (PAT no. 1067:5), Nab. (Negev 1991, 60), Saf., Dad., and Hadr. (HIn., 288); cf. EA *rmy* (Kornfeld 1978, 71; TADA no. 4.4:5); Old Syr. *rmʾ* (OSI no. Bs1:5) and *rwmʾ* in an Old-Syr. inscription from Dura Europos (OSI no. Bs1:5); Nab. *rmʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 166; Negev 1991, 60) and *rmy* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 167; Negev 1991, 60); Sab. *rmy* (HIn., 288).

**Attestations** H 111:1, 150:1, 297:1.

*rmšmš* ʻŠamš is exalted'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Aggoula 1990, 399-400). Cf. Palm. *rmšʾ* (Stark 1971, 112; PAT no. 2355Obv).

**Attestations** H 393c:1.

#### *rpʾ* ʻ(DN) healed'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name (Abbadi 1983, 164). Attested as Rapâ (<sup>m</sup>*ra*-*pa*-*a*; m*ra*-*pa*-*aʾ*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/I, 1032), on an 8th century seal (Maraqten 1988, 100; 213), in Aram. epigraphs on NA tablets (Lemaire 2001 nos. 15:11, 17:6; Radner 2002 no. 54:a with cuneiform m*ra*-*pa*-*aʾ* on Obv:1; Röllig 2014 no. 36:12), in EA (TADD no. 11.16:1), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 112; PAT no. 0356:4); cf. Saf., Tham., Sab. *rfʾ* (HIn., 283).

**Attestations** H 54:2, 1035b:2.

*rpʾzw* ʻʿUzzā healed'

**Other readings** *brkpʾzw* ʻDer Sieger segnete', Arab name (Beyer 1998, 156).

Arab. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym ʿUzzā (Abbadi 1983, 165), with aphaeresis of <ʿ>.

**Attestations** H 332:2.

*rpʿnny* ʻThe exaltation of Nanaya'

**Other readings** *kp ʿnny* ʻStein des *ʿnny*' (Degen 1970, 225); *ʿnny* (Abbadi 1983, 44).

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction between Arabic *rafʿ* ʻThe raising, or elevating' (*Lane*, 1121) and the theonym Nanaya. Sima (1995-96, 319-20) and Beyer (1998, 70) suggest a verbal sentence with *rafaʿa* ʻHe raised it; (…) he elevated it' (*Lane*, 1121); Aggoula (1991, 107) a theophoric with *ʿnnʾ* ʻcloud' (Sokoloff 2009, 1118).

**Attestations** H 216:1, 217:1.**<sup>178</sup>**

*rpšʾ* ʻŠamš healed'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with a hypoc. form of the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 165). Attested at Qabr Abū Nāif (Q 1:3).

**Attestations** H 83:3, 141:1, 239:1, 299:1, 321:1,**<sup>179</sup>** 427:1 (veteran, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 129), 429:2, 432a:3, 437:3, 449:2, 450:1, 1012:1, 1013:1.**<sup>180</sup>**

*rpšmš* ʻŠamš healed'

Aram. theophoric male and tribal name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 165).

**Attestations** H 107:3 (tribal name), 128:1, 213:1, 1019:2, 1039:2 (tribal name), 1045:5 (tribal name).

**178** The same individual; the texts are identical.

**179** The same individual is attested in H 321, 427, 429, and 432a.

**180** The last two attestations refer to the same individual.

*šbw* ʻYoung man'

Arab male name. Noun from *šabba* ʻHe became a youth, or young man' (*Lane*, 1492) with hypoc. or nominative suffix (Abbadi 1983, 166).

Cf. *šbʾ* in EA (TADD no. 24.9(x):6) and on the Beersheba ostraka (Maraqten 1988, 101; 215); Palm. *šbʾ* (Stark 1971, 113; PAT nos. 0273:1 with transcription Σαβᾰ at line 1 of the Greek text, 1259:2, 1787:3) and *šby* (Stark 1971, 113; PAT nos. 0184:4, 0474:1, 0475:1,2, 0477:2, 0480:2, *etc.*; Yon 2013a nos. 12:1, 131:1, 149:1); Σαββα at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 90; 249-50); Nab. *šby* ʻMy young man' (al-Khraysheh 1986, 169; Negev 1991, 61); Saf. *s2b* (HIn., 337; WH, 584; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 294, 295) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 417) and Tham. (HIn., 337); Saf., Dad., Min. *s2bb* (HIn., 337).

**Attestations** H 297:1.

*šbz* ʻŠābāz'

**Other readings** *šbw* (Vattioni 1981, 36, 1994, 45; Abbadi 1983, 50 cf. also n. 1).

Iran. male name, Šābāz ʻKönigsfalke' (Justi 1895, 274 Šahbāz/Šehbāz; Aggoula 1991, 29). Read by Beyer (2013, 55) also in H 438b:3, cf. *šb[…]*  in "Incomplete Names".

**Attestations** H 34:8 (sculptor).

*šbʿʾ* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Perhaps Arabic *sabʿ* ʻThe animal of prey (…); lion' (*Lane*, 1297) with Aram. det. suffix (Abbadi 1983, 166), attested in Palm. as *šbʿʾ* (Stark 1971, 113; PAT no. 2511Obv:1); cf. Nab. *šbʿ* and *šbʿw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 170; Negev 1991, 62), Saf. *s<sup>1</sup>bʿ* (HIn., 309; WH, 580; Ababneh 2005 no. 888; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 242, 246) and perhaps *s<sup>1</sup>bʿʾl* (HIn., 309; WH, 580; Ababneh 2005 no. 747).

Alternatively, hypoc. form of a theophoric name ʻ(DN) was satisfied': this rests upon the connection of Palm. *šbʿtʾ* with Akk. names from Emar such as Išbi-bêlu and Išbi-Dagan, in which Aram. *šbʿ* (DNW-SI, 1101-2) and Akk. *šebû* (AHw, 1207; CAD/Š 2, 251-5) mean ʻto be satisfied' (Teixidor 1991, 221; Pruzsinszky 2003, 168; 172; Cussini 2004, 265; cf. also DUL, 790). Cf. Hebr. *sbʿ* ʻDN is my plenty' (Dobbs-Allsopp et al. 2005 Arad 27:4, 38:4, Samr 2:6; Rechenmacher 2012, 117) and *šbʿt* ʻPlenty' (Dobbs-Allsopp et al. 2005 Jslm 9; Rechenmacher 2012, 117). Cf. Golinets (2008) for a detailed analysis of names built upon the root *Š*/*ŚBʿ*.

**Attestations** H 18:2 (painter).

*šbrw* Uncertain meaning.

Aram. or Arab male name. Either Syr. *šabrā* ʻchild' (Sokoloff 2009, 1505) with probable hypoc. suffix -*w* (al-Jubouri 2010a, 133), or Arabic *šabara* ʻHe measured by the span' or *šibr* ʻThe measure [of the width] by the span' (*Lane*, 1495-6) with nominative suffix (Beyer 2013, 28; 32). Cf. Nab. *šbrh* ʻDaybreak' (al-Khraysheh 1986, 170; Negev 1991, 62), connected with Saf. and Dad. *s1br* (HIn., 309; WH, 580).

**Attestations** H 426:1, 441:3.**<sup>181</sup>**

*šwznbl* ʻBēl saved'

Aram. theophoric male name of Akk. origin. Verbal sentence: 3rd m.s. G perfect of *šzb*/*šwzb*/*šyzb* ʻto save' (DNWSI, 1119-20), loanword from Akk. *šūzubu*, followed by the theonym Bēl, with dissimilation [bb] > [nb] (Abbadi 1983, 167).

In NA texts, Šūzubu (m*šu*-*zu*-*bu*; m*šu*-*zu*-*bi*) apparently designates individuals of Babylonian origin (PNA 3/II, 1297-8). Well attested in NB onomastics (Nielsen 2015, 381): in the temple archives of the Ebabbar at Sippar (Bongenaar 1997, 421; 458) and of the Ezida at Borsippa (Waerzeggers 2010 nos. 140:15, 216:4,5), and in the Nappāḫu (Baker 2004 nos. 3:30, 4:16, 11:14, 12:[13], 14:24,29, *etc.*) and Murašû archives (Donbaz, Stolper 1997 nos. 32:3, 65:16, 80:17); attested also in LB texts (Weisberg 1991 nos. 27:26, 29:26 both dated to 164 BC). Cf. EA theophorics *šzbʾl* (TADC no. 3.13:57) and *šzbnbw* (TADA no. 3.1:6).

**Attestations** H 143:1 (*bidaxš*).**<sup>182</sup>**

#### *šṭʾ* ʻAcacia tree'

Aram. or perhaps Hebr. male name. Al-Jubouri (2010a, 135) interprets it as a G verbal stem, whose Gt would be the names *ʾštṭ* and *ʾštṭy*. More likely *šṭh* ʻacacia-tree' (HALOT, 1473-4; Löw 1924, 377-91; Sokoloff

**181** The same individual.

**182** For the title of *bidaxš* cf. Metzger 1968, 39; Harnack 1970, 528-37; Contini, Pagano 2015, 131-2.

2002a, 547) with det. suffix (Beyer 2013, 30). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 114; PAT no. 0905:2); cf. *šyṭʾ* in the Murašû archive (Maraqten 1988, 247 with cuneiform *ši*-*ṭa*-*ʾ* on the same tablet).

**Attestations** H 433:1.

*šṭb* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. An interpretation as the Iran. Šādāb/Šātāb (Justi 1895, 269; 291; Beyer 1998, 99) is doubtful because of the very late date of the attestation of this name (Sima 2000, 167). Aggoula (1986, 368) suggests a hypoc. form of *šmšṭyb* or *šmšlṭb*. With reference to Σητταβας and Σητταβος, attested at Dura Europos, Grassi (2012, 96; 263-4) and Gzella (2015b, 463) suggest a form of *šmṭb* ʻThe name is good' with assimilation [mṭ] > [ṭṭ] = <ṭ>. The latter is attested in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 74; TADD no. 22.9:a.1,b.2).

**Attestations** H 382:1 (head of cavalry, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 130).

*šylʾ* ʻ(DN is) asked for'

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with hypoc. suffix -*ʾ*. Beyer (2013, 36) connects it with Arabic *saʾala*.

Attested in Old Syr. (OSI nos. As27:1,2, As43:2, As47:7,8, As52:3); cf. perhaps *šyly* on a 5th century seal (Maraqten 1988, 102; 217); Palm. *šʾylʾ* (Stark 1971, 113; PAT nos. 0280:3 with transcription Σεείλα at line 3 of the Greek text, 0281:2, 0322:3, 0629:1, 1516:1; Yon 2013a no. 86:3) and perhaps *šyl* (Yon 2013a no. 178:2, uncertain reading); at Dura Europos Σειλας, Σηλαιος, Σηλεος, Σιλαας, Σιλαιος, Σιλας and perhaps Σιλο (Grassi 2012, 92; 96; 261-4); at Emesa Σειλας (Nitta 1989, 297).

**Attestations** H 463:1, 464:1 (2x; father and great-grandfather of the founder of Small Shrine 14, dedicated to Nanaya).

#### *šly* ʻComforter'

Arab male name. Noun or adjective from *salā* (*sly*) ʻHe experienced comfort, or consolation, for the loss, or want, of him, or it' or *sallā* (II) ʻ(He) comforted him, or consoled him, for the loss, or want, of him or it' (*Lane*, 1417; Abbadi 1983, 167), with hypoc. suffix -*y*. Abbadi (1983, 167) suggests also Akk. Šulâ (<sup>m</sup>*šu*-*la*-*a*) or Šulaya (<sup>m</sup>*šu*-*la*-*a*) ʻfoundling' (PNA 3/II, 1268-9).

Attested in Palm. as a female name (Yon 2013a nos. 11b:3, 11c:1), in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 174-5, also in the transcriptions Σολλαιος and Σολλεου; Negev 1991, 64; Yadin et al. 2002 no. 3:53), also in the forms *šlʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 174; Negev 1991, 64) and *šlyw* (Negev 1991, 64); cf. Σολαιας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 97; 266) and Saf. *s<sup>1</sup>ly* (HIn., 327 ʻto forget, neglect' or *salwi* ʻconsoler, comforter'; WH, 583).

**Attestations** H 20:2.

*šlmʾ* ʻŠalmān'

**Other readings** *šltʾ* (al-Salihi 1996a, 108).

Aram. theophoric male name. Hypoc. of the theonym Šalmān (Beyer 2013, 40). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 114; PAT nos. 0289:3, 0316:1, 0351:2, 0552:5, 0562:1,2,**<sup>183</sup>** *etc*.; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 5:2; Yon 2013a nos. 50:1, 105:3 with transcription Σαλμη at line 3 of the Greek text) and Nab. (Negev 1991, 64). For more parallels, cf. the entry *šlmn*.

**Attestations** H 1044c:1.

#### *šlmn* ʻŠalmān'

Aram. theophoric male name. Theonym Šalmān (Abbadi 1983, 168). Cf. in NA onomastics, often at Dur-Katlimmu, Salāmānu (<sup>m</sup>*sa*-*la*-*ma*-*a*-*nu*; m*sa*-*la*-*ma*-*a*-*ni*; m*sa*-*la*-*ma*-*nu*; m*sa*-*lam*-*a*-*nu*; m*sa*-*al*-*ma*-*nu*; m*sa*-*la*-*ma*-*man*; m*sa*-*la*-*mu*-*an*-*nu*; mdDI-*ma*-*nu*) together with numerous theophoric names (PNA 3/I, 1069-1080); cf. also theophoric names in Aram. script at Dur-Katlimmu (Röllig 2014, 277). Attested in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Lemaire 2001 no. 16:3), in a Samaria papyrus (Dušek 2007 no. 13r:3), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 114; PAT nos. 1710:3,**<sup>184</sup>** 1945:2, 2810:2;**<sup>185</sup>** al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 nos. 49:1,**<sup>186</sup>** 60:1,2; Yon 2013a nos. 11a:1, 56:2, 112:4), Old Syr. (OSI nos. As5:3, P2:iii,8**187**), and Nab. onomastics (al-Khraysheh 1986, 176-7; Negev 1991, 64). Cf. at Dura Europos Σαλαμανης, Σαλαμανος, Σαλαμνος, Σαλμανης, and Σαλμανος (Grassi 2012, 91; 92; 253; 256; 257); Emesene Σαλαμανος, Σαλμανης,


and Σαλμαν (Nitta 1989, 296); Saf., Dad., Tham., Sab., Qat., Min., Hadr. *s<sup>1</sup>lmn* (HIn., 326; WH, 583; Ababneh 2005 no. 85).

**Attestations** H 130:1, 235:2, 315:2, 443:1.

*šmw* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *šmw/y*, hypoc. with theonym Šamš (Degen 1978, 102); *šrdw* (Vattioni 1981, 98, 1994, 67); *šddw* ʻTyrann, Unterdrücker' (Abbadi 1983, 50; 167).

Male name. Perhaps *šm* ʻname', or hypoc. of a Jewish name such as *šmwʾl* attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 115; PAT no. 0557:2 with transcription Σαμουῆλος at line 1 of the Greek text), also in the hypoc. forms *šmʾ* (PAT no. 2715:3) and *šmy* (Stark 1971, 115 uncertain; PAT nos. 1176:2, 2821:2). EA attestations are interpreted as an Egyptian name (Kornfeld 1978, 94; TADA no. 6.2:8,21; TADB no. 8.4:13,21; TADC nos. 3.14:7, 3.25:7,8(2x), 3.26:2). Tham. *s1mw* is connected with Arabic *samā* ʻto be high, elevated', *ʾism* ʻname', or *samû* ʻhighness' (HIn., 331).

**Attestations** H 312:1.

*šmʿny* ʻ(DN) heard me'

**Other readings** *šmʿnw* ʻder Hörende' (Abbadi 1983, 169), Arabic *samʿān* with nominative suffix.

Aram. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name. Verbal sentence, with a hypoc. form of the theonym Nabû according to Abbadi (1983, 169). Cf. EA theophoric names built upon this verb (Kornfeld 1978, 74); also Saf. and Sab. theophoric names (HIn., 328-9; WH, 583).

**Attestations** H 24b:1.

#### *šmš* ʻŠamš'

Aram. theophoric male name. Theonym Šamš. Attested on an 8th century seal (Maraqten 1988, 103; 220-1), in a Palm. inscription found at Dura Europos (PAT no. 1101), and in Nab. (Negev 1991, 65); cf. the diminutive *šmyšw* in a Hatran-Greek bilingual found at Dura Europos, with transcription Σομέσου (D 4:2 = Bertolino 2004 BA.H2.01:2, published also as PAT no. 2831).

**Attestations** H 479:2 (sculptor).

#### *šmšbryk* See *šmšbrk*.

**Attestations** H 428:4.

#### *šmšbrk* ʻŠamš blessed'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 169-70). Cf. also the form *šmšbryk* (al-Jubouri 2010a, 134).

**Attestations** H 79:5, 79:6, H 80:2, 80:[3],**<sup>188</sup>** 81:1, 115:1, 115:2,**<sup>189</sup>** 147:1, 230:1, 230:3, 243:2 (ʻthe Izlite', master), 265:1, 320:1, 336b:3 (major-domo),**<sup>190</sup>** 343:2 (major-domo), 1045:3.

#### *šmšgd* ʻŠamš is Fortune'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonyms Šamš and Gad (Aggoula 1986, 358).

**Attestations** H 354:1.

*šmšgrm* ʻŠamš decided'

Aram. or Arab theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Aggoula 1990, 406).

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 115; PAT nos. 0342:4, 1375:1 with transcription Σαμσιγεραμου at line 2 of the Greek text; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 50:2; Yon 2013a no. 163:3), Old Syr. (OSI no. As2:4), and Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 179; Negev 1991, 65); cf. Saf. *s<sup>2</sup>ms<sup>1</sup>grm* (HIn., 358; WH, 587) and Emesene Σαμσιγεραμος (Nitta 1989, 296).

**Attestations** H 406:1.

**188** H 79 and 80 report two genealogies of the same family: in H 79 the two attestations refer to the father and the great-grandfather respectively; in H 80 to the grandfather and the great-great-grandfather.

**189** The two attestations refer to grandson and grandfather.

**190** The same individual in H 336b and 343.

*šmšḥdyt* ʻŠamš renewed / consecrated'

**Other readings** Pennacchietti (1987, 111, 1988b, 49) *šmšḥryt*.

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš. Abbadi (1983, 170) interprets it as a nominal sentence with *ḥdwtʾ*, ʻŠamš ist Freunde'.

**Attestations** H 10a:2, H 10a:3, 10b:3, 10c:2,**<sup>191</sup>** 94:1 (major-domo), 119:1, 344:1 (major-domo).

#### *šmšy* ʻŠamš (…) / My sun'

Aram. theophoric male name. Perhaps hypoc. (Abbadi 1983, 170), cf. Šamšî (mdUTU-*ì*),**<sup>192</sup>** Šamsî (m*šam*-*si*-*i*) and Šamšia (mdUTU-*ia*; mUTU*ia*;[md*šá*]-*maš*-*ia*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1224). It may also be ʻMy sun'.

Attested in EA (Kornfeld 1978, 75; TADD no. 11.7:1), in a 5th century ostrakon from Larsa (Dupont-Sommer 1945-6 line 3), and in a Palm. inscription found at Dura Europos (Rostovtzeff, Brown, Welles 1939 no. 912:5; Stark 1971, 144); cf. Saf. *s<sup>2</sup>ms<sup>1</sup>y* (HIn., 358) and Emesene Σαμσαιος (Nitta 1989, 296).

**Attestations** H 223:5 (major-domo), 1041c:2.

#### *šmšyhb* ʻŠamš gave'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 169). Cf. also the entry *yhbšmš*.

Attested at Qabr Abū Nāif (Q 1:4), Hassankef-Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (T 2:7), and in Old Syr. (OSI nos. As60:2, P1:21,v2;**<sup>193</sup>** Laflı 2016 no. 2:2); cf. Σεμισιααβος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 95; 262).

**Attestations** H 152:1, 221:3 (sculptor), 232c:1, 232f:2, 237:1 (sculptor), 332:1, 363:2, 363:7 (sculptor), 399:1 (sculptor),**<sup>194</sup>** 387:2, 411c:1-f:1, 1036c:1.**<sup>195</sup>**


**2 Onomastic Catalogue 127**

*šmšṭyb* ʻŠamš is content / satisfied'

**Other readings** *šmšlṭb* (Abbadi 1983, 53; 171); *šmšʿqb* (Vattioni 1981, 35, 1994, 44).

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Beyer 1998, 36).

**Attestations** H 30:3.

*šmšmkn* ʻŠamš is the one who establishes / creates'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Aggoula 1991, 35). Cf. the numerous Akk. theophoric names composed with the D participle *mukīn* (PNA 2/II, 763-5).

**Attestations** H 41:2.

*šmšʿdry* ʻŠamš is my protection'

Aram. theophoric male name. Nominal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 171).

Attested as Šamaš-idri (md*šá*-*maš*-*id*-*ri*; mdUTU-*id*-*ri*) in NA (PNA 3/II, 1200) and NB (Zadok 1977, 41; 97) onomastics, and as *šmšʿdry* on a 6th century seal (Maraqten 1988, 103; 221); cf. *šmšʿzry* in an Aram. epigraph on a NA tablet (Lemaire 2001 no. 3:17); *šmšʿzr* on an 8th century seal (Avigad, Sass 1997 no. 1075:1).

**Attestations** H 218:1 (major-domo).

*šmšʿqb* ʻŠamš protected'

Aram. theophoric male name. Verbal sentence with the theonym Šamš (Abbadi 1983, 171). Cf. Σεμισακβος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 95; 262). Cf. also the entries *ʿqbšmʾ* and *ʿqbšmš*.

**Attestations** H 10a:1, 10a:4, 10b:1, 10c:1,**<sup>196</sup>** 147:1, 152:1, 156:1,**<sup>197</sup>** 161a:1, 187:1,**<sup>198</sup>** 204:1, 205:2, 206:1,**<sup>199</sup>** 226:2, 227:2,**<sup>200</sup>** 291:2, 403:1, 405:1 (priest), 414c:1, 424:1, 449:2, 1045:4 (2x, elder).

**196** H 10a:1, 10b, and 10c testify to the same individual.

**197** The same individual as in H 187.

**198** The same individual as in H 156.

**199** The same individual in H 205 and 206.

**200** Probably the same individual in H 226 and 227.

*šnyʾ* ʻExalted / Magnanimous (?)'

Arab male name. Arabic *saniyy* ʻHigh, or exalted, in rank or condition' (*Lane*, 1450) or *sanā* ʻThe light of lightning, and of fire' (*Lane*, 1449) as reported by al-Manaser; Ababneh suggests also ʻMagnanimous, chivalrous'. Cf. Saf. *s<sup>1</sup>ny* (HIn., 333; WH, 583; Ababneh 2005 nos. 476, 615, 1020; al-Manaser 2005 no. 313) attested also in Tham. (HIn., 333) and Hism. (King 1990, 415).

Abbadi (1983, 172), questioned by Teixidor (1987, 138), suggests Arabic *šanīʾ* from *šaniʾa* ʻHe hated him (…) vehemently' (*Lane*, 1603), with Aram. det. suffix; cf. *s<sup>2</sup>nʾ* in Min. (al-Said 1995, 126) and Qat. (Hayajneh 1998, 173).

**Attestations** H 136:1.

*šʿdw* ʻLuck (from DN)'

Arab male name. Hypoc. with nominative suffix (Abbadi 1983, 172). Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 115; PAT nos. 0221:1, 0247:2,**<sup>201</sup>** 0249 with transcription Σοαδος in line 2 of the Greek text,**<sup>202</sup>** 0265:1, 0266:3 with transcription Σόαδος in line 2 of the Greek text, *etc.*; Yon 2013a nos. 21:1 with transcription Σοαδον in line 1 of the Greek text, 22:2, 58:3 with transcription Σοαδῳ in line 6 of the Greek text, 160:3, 175:2), Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 181-2; Negev 1991, 66), Tham. (HIn., 320); cf. Palm. *šʿd* (Stark 1971, 115; PAT nos. 0016:5,**<sup>203</sup>** 0839:2, 1219:2), *šʿdʾ* (Stark 1971, 115; PAT nos. 0729:1, 0861:1, 2743:8, 2770:3) and *šʿdy* (Stark 1971, 115; PAT nos. 0035:2, 0036:1, 0037:1, 0147:2, 0527:3, *etc.*); Σαδδας at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 91; 251) Nab. *šʿdʾ* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 180; Negev 1991, 65), *šʿdy* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 182; Negev 1991, 66), and numerous theophoric names (al-Khraysheh 1986, 180-1; Negev 1991, 65-6); Saf. *s<sup>1</sup>ʿd* (HIn., 318; WH, 582; Ababneh 2005 nos. 243, 727, 801, 1128; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 60, 95, 117, 137, 162, *etc.*; Rawan 2013 nos. 15, 75, 76, 120, 122, *etc*.) attested also in Hism. (King 1990, 410-1), Dad., Tham., Min., and Sab. (HIn., 318), *s<sup>1</sup>ʿdʾ* (HIn., 318) and numerous theophoric names (HIn., 318-20; WH, 582); Sab. *s<sup>1</sup>ʿdy* (HIn., 320).

**Attestations** H 222:1.


**2 Onomastic Catalogue 129**

#### *šrdw* ʻExpelled'

**Other readings** *šddw* ʻTyrann, Unterdrücker' (Abbadi 1983, 167); *šndw* (Sima 1995-96, 319); *šdq (?)* (Aggoula 1991, 147 in H 304:2) but the alleged <q> is the union of <d> and <w>.

Arab male name. Adjective *šarīd* ʻDriven away, or expelled' (*Lane*, 1531) with nominative suffix, probably with an apotropaic meaning. Vattioni (1981, 70) suggests the Akk. hypoc. Ašarēdu (<sup>m</sup>*a*-*šá*-*re*-*du*; m*šá*-*re*-*du*) ʻThe foremost one', attested in NA onomastics also in theophoric names (PNA 1/I, 139-41), in the Egibi archive as Ašarēdu (<sup>m</sup>SAG.KAL/*a*-*šá*-*red*) and Šarīd (m*šá*-*rid*; Wunsch 2000 nos. 217:8, 218:2,8), and in the archive of Ezida at Borsippa as Šarīdu (<sup>m</sup>*šá*-*ri*-*du*; Waerzeggers 2010 nos. 153:21, 170:4').

Attested in Old Syr. (OSI no. As63:2-3), but perhaps should be related to *šrdwnḥʾ* (OSI no. Bs2:3), to which the reading *šddwnḥʾ* ʻNaḥay is powerful' has been given as well (OSI, 195-6). Cf. *s2rd* in Saf. (HIn., 346; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 59, 98; Rawan 2013 no. 67), Tham. (HIn., 346), Dad. (Sima 1999 nos. U55:2, U64:1); Saf. *s<sup>2</sup>rdt* (HIn., 346); Dad. *s<sup>2</sup>rdh* (Sima 1999 no. U89:1).

**Attestations** H 186:1, 304:2.

#### *šrṭʾ* ʻCancer'

**Other readings** *srtlʾ* (Vattioni 1981, 61); *srm/tʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 74), probably due to typographical errors, since the hand-copy (Safar 1962, 39; photograph not available) shows that the first grapheme is <š>, while the third is a variant of <ṭ> (Bertolino 1995, 16-7); *šrṭlʾ* (Vattioni 1994, 53).

Aram. male name. Abbadi (1983, 172-3) suggests Syr. *sarṭānā*  ʻconstellation of Cancer' (Sokoloff 2009, 1046), attested also at Qumran (Beyer 2004, 167; 448), with det. suffix. Observe the spelling with <š> and the apocope of <n>. ʻCancer' is attested in Saf. as *s1rṭ*[*n*] (Al-Jallad 2015, 343).

**Attestations** H 134:1.

#### *šrrmry* ʻMy Lord made firm'

**Other readings** The reading of H 72 is very controversial. Cf. recently Dirven (2013a, 152 and nn. 66-7 for an overview of various proposals), who follows Caquot (1955b, 269): *tltt klbn ʾnʾ šdrm dy ʿbdytyh lš˹t˺* ʻThree dogs that I, *šdrm*, made for the La˹dy˺'. Due to the identical shape of <d> and <r>, Abbadi (1983, 184) proposes both readings *šdrm* and *šrdm*. *šdrm* would be perhaps paralleled by Nab. *šdrmʾ* (Cantineau 1932, 149; Negev 1991, 62). Cantineau refers to *šwdrwmʾ*, attested at Madaʾin Salih (*šwrrwmʾ* in al-Khraysheh 1986, 172); perhaps attested on an 8th century Aram., Phoen., or Amm. seal as *šdrm* or *śrrmn*, the interpretation of which is uncertain (Avigad, Sass 1997 no. 1101).

Because of the rather laborious syntax entailed by this reading, I propose *tltt klbn ʾnʾ šrrmry ʿbdyt wʾlšt* (?) ʻThree dogs; I, Šarrer-Mār(ī), have made and …?'. The last word is rather obscure; perhaps the text continues but the missing letters cannot be seen in the available photographs.

Aram. theophoric male (?) name. Verbal sentence with 3rd m.s. D perfect of *šrr* (CSD, 595; Sokoloff 2009, 1611-2 for various meanings); the C stem of *šrr* is attested in Palm. as ʻto decide, to establish, to declare' (DNWSI, 1194-5; PAT, 418). In the case of the reading *šrdmry*, one may propose a nominal sentence with Akk. Ašarēdu (cf. *šrdw*) ʻForemost is my Lord'.**<sup>204</sup>**

**Attestations** H 72:1.

#### *thmrw* Uncertain meaning.

**Other readings** *tqmd/rw* (Vattioni 1981, 98; Abbadi 1983, 176), cautiously connected with Arabic *qamar* ʻMoon', or to a 3rd f.s. imperfect with suffix -*w*; *ts/qmrw* (Beyer 1998, 87; 167) Arabic *tasāmur* ʻConversation, or discourse, by night' (Lane, 1425) or *taqāmur* ʻplay, game' (Lane, 2562), with nominative suffix. Cf. *tsmr* on a 6th century seal (Maraqten 1988, 104; 222); perhaps to be related to *šmr* ʻto guard' (DNWSI, 1166-7).

Male name. Very uncertain reading and interpretation. In the hand-copy (al-Salihi 1975, 187; photograph not available) the second grapheme reminds one of the variant of <h*>* in the script of Khirbet Ğaddāla (Bertolino 1995, 28), hence *thmd*/*rw*; if *thmrw*, should perhaps be connected with Arabic *hammār* ʻLoquacious, garrulous, babbling' (*Lane*, 2900).

**Attestations** H 309:1.

*tymw* ʻServant (of DN)'

Arab tribal name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name with nominative suffix (Abbadi 1983, 173).

Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 117; PAT nos. 0067:5, 0178:2, 0326:4, 0830:2, 1165:2, *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 26:1), in an Old-Syr. legal text from Dura Europos**<sup>205</sup>** (OSI no. P2:v,10,v1,v5), in Nab. (al-Khraysheh 1986, 187-8; Negev 1991, 68; Yadin et al. 2002 no. 1:56,63) also in the form *tym* (Negev 1991, 67). Cf. perhaps Timai (<sup>m</sup>*ti*-*ma*-*i*) in NA onomastics (PNA 3/II, 1326); *tym* at Teima (Maraqten 1988, 103; 222); Θαιμος at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 62; 203); *tm* in Saf. (HIn., 136 from *tamma* ʻto com-

**204** As kindly suggested by Prof. F.A. Pennacchietti (pers. comm., 2018-01-18).

**205** Cf. the entry *ʾbgr*.

**2 Onomastic Catalogue 131**

plete, be complete'; WH, 562; Ababneh 2005 nos. 82, 83, 295, 623, 750, *etc.*; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 91, 113, 137, 140, 245, *etc.*; Rawan 2013 nos. 8, 160, 191, 209, 209a, *etc*.), Dad., Tham. (HIn., 136), and Hism. (King 1990, 374-6); Saf., Hism., Tham., Sab., Min. *tym* (HIn., 140; King 1990, 378).

**Attestations** H 214:1, 293:2.**<sup>206</sup>**

*tymly* ʻServant of Allāt'

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym Allāt (Aggoula 1990, 405-6).

**Attestations** H 406:1.

*tymlt* ʻServant of Allāt'

**Other readings** In H 184:1 the second *tym[lt]* may be the hypoc. *tym* (Vattioni 1981, 69, 1994, 55; Abbadi 1983, 173).

Arab theophoric male name. Genitive construction with the theonym Allāt, with aphaeresis of <ʾ> (Abbadi 1983, 173). Cf. also the form *tmlt*. Attested in Palm. (Stark 1971, 117; PAT nos. 0950:2, 0951:2, 1148:1, 1189:1, 1287:2, *etc.*), Min. and Sab. (HIn., 141); cf. Nab. *tymʾlt* (Negev 1991, 68); Tham. and Hism. *tmlt* (HIn., 137; King 1990, 377); Emesene Θαιμαλλας and Ταμαλατος (Nitta 1989, 292; 297).

**Attestations** H 184:1 (2x? See above, "Other readings"), 414b:1.

#### *tyrdt* ʻTīridāt'

Iran. theophoric male name, Tīridāt ʻTīr gave'; cf. Τιριδάτης (Justi 1895, 326-7; Gignoux 1986, 167; Bertolino 1996b, 145; Schmitt 1998, 183; Gignoux 2003, 63; Schmitt 2016, 215-6).

Attested in NB and LB texts as m*ti*-*ri*-*da*-*a*-*ta*/*tu*4 (Tavernier 2007, 325; Zadok 2009, 305-6), on a Parthian bone bow fragment found at Nineveh (Reade 1998, 76-7), in Palm. (Stark 1971, 117; PAT nos. 0959:5, 0960:3, 1777:2), Old Syr. (OSI nos. As27:4, As30:2, As31:4, As36:2, As37:6, *etc*.), and in Syr. literature (Gignoux, Jullien, Jullien 2009, 134); cf. *trdt* on a pestle with Aram. inscription found at Persepolis (Bowman 1970 no. 28:3).

**Attestations** H 1039:5 (general, cf. Contini, Pagano 2015, 136).

**<sup>206</sup>** Associated with the Bani Bēl-ʿeqab (cf. *blʿqb*) in both attestations.

*tky* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. Beyer (2013, 45) suggests an Arab or Iran. origin. Saf. *tk* and *tky* are connected with Arabic *takka* ʻto overcome, to be stupid' (HIn., 135); cf. also *tikka* ʻThe band [that is inserted in the double upper border] of the drawers, or trousers' (*Lane*, 310) or *takiʾa* ʻHe leaned, or reclined, upon a thing; supported, propped, or stayed, himself upon it' (*Lane*, 2962). Cf. Gzella (2015b, 463) for the interpretation of Θακος, attested at Dura Europos (Grassi 2012, 62; 203), as the Greek transcription of either *tky* or *tqwn* (see below).

**Attestations** H 1058:2.

*tlmw* Uncertain meaning.

Male name. Beyer (1998, 98) and Bertolino (2008, 10) consider it an Arab name, connected with *ṯalama* ʻHe broke its edge (…) that of a vessel' (*Lane*, 350) with nominative suffix. According to Vattioni (1994, 79), transcription of the Greek Πτολεμαῖος. Nab. *tlm* (Negev 1991, 68) and *tlmw* (al-Khraysheh 1986, 188-9; Negev 1991, 68) are connected with Πτολεμαῖος (Negev) or with Arabic *tilm* ʻcorrugation, furrow' or *ṯalm* ʻloophole; recess' (al-Kraysheh).

Cf. Saf. *tlm* (HIn., 136 *tilm* ʻboy, lad') and *ṯlm* (HIn., 147 *ṯalm* ʻgap, breach'; WH, 563; Ababneh 2005 nos. 200, 859 *ṯālim* ʻbreaker'; al-Manaser 2008 no. 68 connected with *ṯalama* ʻstumpf sein'), attested also in Tham. (HIn., 147).

Connected by Aggoula (1986, 366) with Akk. *talīmu* ʻclose or beloved brother' (Kaufman 1974, 106): if so, it would be a hypoc. form of a theophoric name such as NA Nabû-talīmu-uṣur (mdPA-*ta*-*li*-*me*-PAB; mdPA-TAM.MA-PAB; PNA 2/II, 894). Talīmu (<sup>m</sup>*ta*-*li*-*mu*) is attested in the Egibi archive (Wunsch 2000 nos. 212:3, 214:3).

**Attestations** H 377:1.

#### *tmlt* See *tymlt*.

**Attestations** H 177:1.

*tmny* ʻServant of Nanaya'

Arab theophoric tribal name. Genitive construction with a hypoc. form of the theonym Nanaya. Interpreted as ethnonym ʻMann aus Tēmā(n)' by Beyer (2013, 36; cf. Healey 1993, 71 for a discussion of Nab. occurrences), but the meaning ʻServant of Nanaya' is suggested by the context, as the prominent tribal group of Bani Taym-Nay built a large sanctuary to this goddess (Small Shrine 14) as a devotional act.

Palm. *tymnʾ* (PAT nos. 0080, 0082, 0086:1-4,**<sup>207</sup>** 0087, 0191:2, *etc.*; al-Asʿad, Gawlikowski, Yon 2012 no. 34:2; Yon 2013a no. 174:2(2x)) is more likely ʻServant of Nabû' (Stark 1971, 117).

**Attestations** H 463:1.

*tqwn* ʻOrder (of DN)'

Akk. male name. Hypoc. of a theophoric name: noun from *taqānu* ʻ(G) To become placid, orderly, secure; (D) To calm, to secure, to put in order' (AHw, 1323; CAD T, 197-9), Aram. *tqn* ʻto set in order' (DNWSI, 1228). Beyer (2013, 36) connects it with Syr. *tqn* ʻto be established, stand, remain' (Sokoloff 2009, 1662).

Cf. the NA hypoc. Tuqūnu (mLAL-*nu*) and related theophoric names (PNA 3/II, 1334-6); also Taqūnu ʻAppropriate?' (<sup>m</sup>*ta*-*qu*-*u*-*ni*) and the theophoric Taqūn-Aššūr (<sup>m</sup>*ta*-LAL-*aš*-*šur*; PNA 3/II, 1311-2), and the forms *tqn* and *tqny* in Aram. epigraphs on NA tablets (Maraqten 1988, 249).**<sup>208</sup>** This interpretation seems preferable to that proposed by Lipiński (1975, 87), who suggests ʻMy pretty' from *taqūnu* ʻadorned'. As to Θοκαναιος, attested at Dura Europos, Grassi (2012, 64; 205) proposes a relation to Akk. *taqānu*; as seen above for *tky*, cf. Gzella (2015b, 463) for Θακος (Grassi 2012, 62; 203) as a possible Greek transcription of *tqwn*.

**Attestations** H 464:1.

*ttny* ʻ(Oh DN, protect) him, whom you gave!'

Akk. family (Abbadi 1983, 55) or male name. Bab. Tattannu: 2nd m.s. G perfect subjunctive of *nadānu*, with assimilation [nt] > [tt] = <t> and [dn] > [nn] = <n>, attested in NB before a vocalic suffix (CAD N/1, 45). Caquot (1955b, 267) and Beyer (1998, 45) suggest a hypoc. of a theophoric name such as Nabû-tattannu-uṣur, cf. Tattenai, governor of Transeuphratene, in Ezra 6:6.

Attested in the spelling m*ta*-*at*-*tan*-*nu* in the archive of Ebabbar at Sippar (Bongenaar 1997, 55; 112; 139; 258), in the Nappāḫu (Baker 2004 nos. 44:15, 143:12, 144:11, 220:11) and Murašû archives (Stolper 1985 nos. 3:28, 25:3',5',[10']); <sup>m</sup>*tat*-*tan*-*nu* in the Murašû archive (Stolper 1985 nos. 1:2,Rev, 6:5(?), 6:3', 11:25, 19:2,21, 19:3, *etc.*; Donbaz, Stolper

**<sup>207</sup>** The inscription consists of the same graffito, repeated four times.

**<sup>208</sup>** The two different spellings refer to the same individual.

1997 nos. 10:6', 13:19,u.e., 15:16, 16:20,26,r.e., 17:21,le.e., *etc.*); in different spellings (<sup>m</sup>*at*-*ta*-*an*-*nu*; m*ta*-*at*-*tan*-*na*; m*ta*-*at*-*tan*-*nu*) in the archive of Ezida at Borsippa (Waerzeggers 2010 nos. 18:5, 89:13, 95:5, 96:2). In Seleucid Babylonia, m*tat*-*tan*-*nu* (McEwan 1981, 55; 62; Weisberg 1991 nos. 1:27,lo.e., 2:7', 10:1,17, 12Obv:10,12,15,Rev:1,3, 14:26,30, *etc.*; Doty 2012 nos. 3:16,u.e., 8:23, 10Rev:2',3',u.e., 13:28, 15Rev:4', *etc.*); cf. *ttn* in Aram. epigraphs on NB tablets (Maraqten 1988, 104; 222; Stolper 1985 no. 37 bears both cuneiform <sup>m</sup>*tat*-*tan*-*nu* at lines 2,4,10 and Aram. *ttn*) and in Samaria papyri (Moore Cross 2006, 86; Dušek 2007 nos. 8:11, 19:6(?)).

**Attestations** H 66:1.

#### **2.2 Incomplete Names**

#### *ʾdb[…]*

**Other readings** *ʾdb* (Caquot 1963, 10; Abbadi 1983, 3 n. 1), but Abbadi (1983, 75) remarks upon the presence of a <q> or <s> after the clearly readable <b>, suggesting a C stem of *dbq* ʻto cling, to cleave, to be contiguous' (DNWSI, 238); *ʾdj* (Vattioni 1981, 54, 1994, 50); *ʾdb[n]ʾ* (Aggoula 1991, 64); *ʾdbqʾ* (Beyer 1998, 51); perhaps *ʾdn(n/q)* in Bertolino (2008, 10).

Male name. Perhaps part of a theophoric name such as OffA *ʾdby* (Röllig 2014 nos. 8:11, 12:6), or Saf. *ʾdbʾl* (Ababneh 2005 no. 873 *ʾdb*; al-Manaser 2008 nos. 151, 152), built upon *ʾaddaba* (II) ʻHe taught him the discipline of the mind' (*Lane*, 34).

**Attestations** H 98:1 (nicknamed ʻthe dwarf (?)').

#### *br[…]*

Probably theophoric name ʻSon (of DN)'.

**Attestations** H 1035d:1.**<sup>209</sup>**

#### *d[…]*

**Attestations** H 1036c:1.**<sup>210</sup>**

**209** Reading by Moriggi 2013a, 44.

```
210 Reading by Moriggi 2013a, 46.
```
**2 Onomastic Catalogue 135**

#### *d/rg/ʿ[…]*

**Attestations** H 313:1.

#### *ḥb[…]*

**Other readings** *ḥb[y]* (Beyer 1998, 104), but perhaps *ḥb[ʾ]*.

**Attestations** H 411b:1.

#### *m[…]*

**Attestations** H 286:1.

#### *nbw[…]*

Theophoric name with the theonym Nabû.

**Attestations** H 340:2.

#### *nš[r…]*

Theophoric name with the theonym Nešra.

**Attestations** H 238:2, 308:1.

#### *ʿb[…]*

**Attestations** H 1126:1.**<sup>211</sup>**

#### *ʿbd[…]*

**Other readings** *ʿbdgdj* (Vattioni 1981, 31); *ʿbdw* (Beyer 1998, 33).

**Attestations** H 22:1.

#### *ʿq[…]*

**Attestations** H 1045:3.

**211** The preserved section of this short inscription, on the pedestal of a statue depicting the goddess Allāt accompanied by two dogs, reads *glp ʿb*[…] ʻʿAb[…] sculpted' rather than *glpʾ* ʻSculpted by…*ʾ* as in Dirven 2013a, 147.

#### *ʿqb[…]*

Perhaps part of a theophoric name ʻ(DN) protected'.

**Attestations** H 235:2.

#### *pp˹ʾ˺[…]*

**Other readings** Not read by Aggoula (1991, 8); *ppʾ* (Beyer 1998, 29), Iran. name.

**Attestations** H 9c:1.

#### *qym[…]*

Perhaps to be reconstructed as *qym*[*y*], *qym*[*t*] or *qym*[*ty*]. Cf. the relevant entries above.

**Attestations** H 276:1.

#### *šb[…]*

```
Other readings šb[z] (Beyer 2013, 31).
```
**Attestations** H 438b:3.

#### *šmš[…]*

Theophoric name with the theonym Šamš.

**Attestations** H 330:1.

#### *[…]ʾ*

**Attestations** H 357:1.

#### *[…]ʾšrly*

**Other readings** *n[twn]ʾšr lh* (Vattioni 1981, 39); *blʾšrly* ʻBêl-Assur est mon dieu' (Aggoula 1991, 34), but <ʾšr> is the theonym Iššar (cf. *ntwnʾšr*, *ʿbdʾšr*, *ʿwydʾšr*), while Assor is written <ʾsr> (cf. *ʾsrybrk* and *ʾsrpndʾ*).

Theophoric male name. The beginning is probably missing, although the photograph (Aggoula 1991 pl. 6) is not clear. If complete, perhaps a verbal sentence with the theonym Iššar ʻ(Die Gottheit) […]Iššar ist für

```
mich da' (Beyer 1998, 40).
```
**Attestations** H 40:2.

#### *[…]bʾ*

**Attestations** H 1046:2.

#### *[…]bdw*

**Attestations** H 409a:1.

#### Possibly [*ʿ*]*bdw* or [*ʿw*]*bdw*.

#### *[…]ḥw*

**Other readings** [… *ʾp*]*ḥw* (al-Jubouri 2010b, 48).

**Attestations** H 476:2 (head of cavalry).**<sup>212</sup>**

#### *[…]ḥmyd/rʾ*

**Other readings** *mhwn* (Vattioni 1981, 70); not read by Aggoula (1991, 90); *mhy* <*br*> *ḥmwʿʾ* (Beyer 1998, 65).

**Attestations** H 188:3.

#### *[…]yʾ*

**Attestations** H 27:3.

#### *[…]m*

**Attestations** H 448:2.

#### *[…]nʾ*

**Attestations** H 432a:1.

**212** Cf. the entry *šṭb*.

#### *[…]ṣyn*

**Other readings** *r/dw ? ṣyn* (Vattioni 1981, 103); *mrhw/yn* (Aggoula 1981, 369 and 1991, 157); […] *ḥ/syn* (Vattioni 1994, 69).

**Attestations** H 340:3

#### *[…]qdʾ*

Probably the final part of a male name (Abbadi 1983, 194). Aggoula (1991, 54) parallels it with Neo-Aram. Qedā, attested in the surroundings of Mosul. If complete, cf. Syr. *qedtā* ʻa band of cloth' or ʻplant name' (Sokoloff 2009, 1320).

**Attestations** H 78:1.

#### *[…]šr*

**Other readings** … *nšr* (Vattioni 1981, 39); *mkʾšr* ʻQui est comme Assur' (Aggoula 1991, 35-6). Cf. the entry *[…]ʾšrly* for the theonym. Only scanty traces of letters are visible before <š> (Sima 1995-96, 318).

**Attestations** H 42:2.

#### *[…]tšmʾ*

**Attestations** H 1019:2.

#### *[…]t[…]*

**Attestations** H 307:1.

#### *[kbyrʾ]* ʻ(DN) is great'

Reconstructed by Aggoula (1991, 27-8). The photograph (Aggoula 1991 Pl. V, cf. page 27 for previous bibliography), however, shows that line 3 of this inscription is extensively damaged and almost unreadable; the reconstructed form *kbyrʾ* is thus highly speculative. Cf. the *editio princeps* (Safar 1952, 189), whose hand-copy omits line 3, and the remarks by Sima (1995-96, 318).

**Attestations** H 34:3.

Enrico Marcato

## **3 Linguistic Analysis**

### **3.1 Summarizing Charts**

The following summarizing tools (Table 4 and Chart 1) can help to visualize the subdivision of the 376 personal names attested in the Aramaic inscriptions of Hatra in accordance with their linguistic affiliation. They are a revised version of the chart published in Marcato (2016, 347). To the 368 personal names examined on that occasion, fresh evidence has been added, particularly, 8 Aram. names (*brkmrʾ*, *brnšry*, *hdyrt*, *zkyʾ*, *kwny*, *sbʾ*, *šlmʾ*, *šrrmry*), 2 Arab names (*ʿydly*, *qyymt*), 2 Iran. names (*mhrbndq*, *myhrʾ*), 2 Greek names (*dyns*, *nqndrs*), and 3 Unclassified names (*bd***/***rynšw*, *zbyʾ*, *šṭb*). Conversely, a more careful evaluation has led to the deletion of 4 Aram. names (*blḥʾ*, *gbr*, *gbrʾ, nbwḥny*), 2 Iran. names (*mhr*, *šṭb*), 1 Greek name (*slwq*), and 2 Unclassified names (*ḥwšyʾ*, *šdrm*). These emendations led to the total of 376 names attested in the present corpus.

The criteria for this grouping of Hatran names are the same as stated in Marcato (2016, 348) and are here quoted in full:


Table 4. Linguistic Affiliation of Hatran Names


#### Chart 1. Linguistic Affiliation of Hatran Names

The principal linguistic phenomena that can be highlighted by the examination of personal names consider orthographic, phonological, morphological, and syntactical traits.

#### **3.2 Orthographic And Phonological Features**

#### 3.2.1 Sibilants in Names of Akkadian Origin

The NA shift between <s> and <š>**<sup>1</sup>** is attested for the theonyms Assor (*ʾsrybrk*, *ʾsrpndʾ*), Iššar (*ntwnʾšr*, *ʿbdʾšr*, *ʿwydʾšr*, *ʿwydšr*, perhaps *[…]ʾšrly*; cf. also *ʾšrbl* ʻIššarbēl' in H 34, 35, 38), and Šamš (always *šmš* at Hatra, but cf. NWS onomastics in NA sources such as *ʿbdšmš* / Abdi-Samsi); cf. also *ṭpsrʾ*, loanword from Akk. *ṭupšarru/tupšarru*, consistently spelled with <s> in Aram. The correspondence between Akk. <š> and Aram. <š> in *bšwn* and *šwznbl* is due to historical spellings: cf. the relevant entries for attestations in older Aram. corpora.

**<sup>1</sup>** On this highly debated issue cf. for example Kaufman 1974, 140-2; Fales 1986, 61-5; Hämeen-Anttila 2000, 9-10.

#### 3.2.2 Sibilants in Arab Names

For an overview of Saf. [s1] and [s2], cf. recently Al-Jallad (2015, 44-5, 2017, 138-9). The correspondence among Aram. and ANA sibilants is not always predictable:**<sup>2</sup>**

Aram. <s> = Saf. <s1>: *ḥrys* (Arabic *ḥarasa*-Aram. *ḥrš*), *skyrʾ* (Arabic *sakira*-Aram. *škr*), *nbwsmʿ* (Arabic *samiʿa*-Aram. *šmʿ*).**<sup>3</sup>** Aside from testifying to the correspondence between Aram. <s> and ANA <s1>, these names provide evidence for the use of Arabic (or ANA) verbs, even though in all cases an Aram. cognate with <š> is attested. This points to the Arab origin of these names and probably toward the linguistic background of the writers as well, who had knowledge of the Aram. script but whose native language was an ANA language or dialect.

Aram. <š> = Saf. <s1>: *ʾšʾ*, *ʾšw*, *ʾšlm*, *ʾšlmw*, *nšrʾ*, *nšry*, *šly*, *šnyʾ*, *šʿdw*. **4** The same correspondence is attested with *kšṭw*, Aram. loanword in Saf., and the theonyms Ba*ʿ*alšamīn, Nešra, and Šalmān; Šamš in Saf. is *s2ms1*. Cf. also *šrṭʾ*, Saf. *s1rṭ*[*n*] and Syr. *sarṭānā*; this spelling may likewise hint at the Arab background of the writer.

Aram. <š>= Saf. <s2>: *ʾṭyš*, *ʾryš*, *bwšyr*, *šbw*, *šrdw*. **5** Since Saf. *<*s2> very likely expresses a lateral phoneme (Al-Jallad 2015, 45, 2017, 138), we may conclude that <š> in Hatran transcriptions of Arab names renders two distinct phonemes, which could be differentiated only once they were pronounced.


**<sup>5</sup>** Uncertain: *ʾnšbʾ* (Aram. or Arab), *ḥryšw* (Aram. or Arab), *ḥršt* (Aram. or Arab). Add *ʾršd*, attested with <s2> in Tham., Sab., Hadr.

#### 3.2.3 Laryngeals and Pharyngeals

Onomastic evidence testifies, in some cases, to the loss of pharyngeals and laryngeals. See below for the dissimilation [ʿ] > [ʾ]. The retention of the glottal stop can be observed in *rʾmt* and perhaps *brʾ*.

Aphaeresis of [ʾ]: *ʾmbʾ*, *brzl*, *grmlt*, *yhblhʾ*, *mrtbw*, *ʿbdlhʾ*, *ʿbdly*, *tymlt*, *ʿwydlt*. **6**

Apocope of [ʾ]: *mry*, *rpšʾ*, *rpšmš*.

Apocope of [h]: *ʾbw*, *mrtbw*, *ʿbdly*.

Aphaeresis of [ʿ]: *rpʾzw*.

Prothetic [ʾ]: *ʾprhṭ*. **7**

3.2.4 Assimilation

Assimilation of [n]:

[ng] > [gg]: *lšglʾ*. [nd] > [dd]: *ʾlkṣdrws*. [nz] > [zz]: *gzbry*. [nk] > [kk]: *mky*, *mkmrtn*. [np] > [pp]: *ʾpḥw*? [nt] > [tt]: *ḥršt* (if it corresponds to Saf. *ḥrs<sup>2</sup>nt*), *ttny* (NB, cf. entry).

Other phenomena of assimilation:**<sup>8</sup>**

[bd] > [bb] (or apocope of <d>): *ʿbwš*, *ʿbḥyrn*, *ʿby*. [dḥ] > [ḥḥ] (or apocope of <d>): *ʿbḥyrn*. [dn] > [nn]: *ttny* (NB, cf. entry). **<sup>9</sup>** [ds] > [ss]: *ʿbsmyʾ*. **10** [dš] > [šš]: *ʿbšʾ*, *ʿbšy*, *ʿbšlmʾ*. [lš] > [šš]: *bšwn*, *ʿbdbʿšmyn*. [tṭ] > [ṭṭ]: *mṭlš*.


#### **3 Linguistic Analysis 143**

3.2.5 Dissimilation

Dissimilation of [n]:

[bb] > [nb]: *šwznbl*. [dd] > [nd]: *ʾsrpndʾ*. The dissimilated [n] points to a geminated second radical (D imperative).

Other phenomena of dissimilation:

[ʿ] > [ʾ]: *ʾtʿqb*, *ḥpʾzw*, *ḥpʾzy*; likely also for the form *ḥpyzy*. [q] > [k] before emphatics: *kṣyʾ*, *kšṭw*. The name *ṣdyq* points instead at an Arab spelling. *ṢDQ* is attested in Aram. as an exception to the dissimilation of emphatics; however, since the usual Hatran spelling of this root is *ZDQ* (cf. the possible reading *zdqʾ* of *zd*/*rqʾ*), it is preferable to compare this name with ANA and ASA *ṣdq*.

3.2.6 Use of *Matres Lectionis* in Hatran Semitic Onomastics

The vocalization of Hatran names is often problematic. The sole Greek-Hatran bilingual known so far (D 4, from Dura Europos) provides only two Greek transcriptions; on the other hand, Greek transcriptions of Semitic names from Palmyra and Dura Europos can be taken into account, but a perfect correspondence among dialects should not be taken for granted. To avoid repetitions, not all uses of *matres lectionis* are included in this section: for their use in transcriptions of foreign names, or to indicate the state of the noun, a hypoc. suffix, a pronominal suffix, etc. see below under the section ʻMorphology'.

<ʾ> = [ā]: *lšglʾ*, *srʾm*; also for the det. or hypoc. suffix and 3rd m.s. perfect of 3rd-weak verbs.

<w> = [o]: *ʿbdnrgwl*, *ʿwbdʾly*, *ʿwbdw*, *ʿwygʾ*, *qwpʾ*. <w> = [ō]: *zd*/*rwqʾ*, *lwṭb*, *mrhwn*, *nwhdrʾ* (Iran. loanword in Aram.), *nʿwrʾ*, *qrwnʾ*, *šwznbl*. <w> = [u]: *bwšyr*, *bšwn*. <w> = [u]?: *ʾlhyhbw*. <w> = [ū]: *ʾbw*, *ʾdnwr*, *brnbw*, *grwt*, *zbw*/*yd* (if *zbwd*), *ḥbw*/*ysʾ* (if *ḥbwsʾ*), *mrtbw*, *nbwbnʾ*, *nbwgbr*, *nbwdyn*, *nbwyhb*, *nbwktb*, *nbwsmʿ*, *nwrn*, *ntwnʾšr*, *ʿbwš*, *ʿ***wd**, *ʿwdw*, *tqwn*; also for the Canaanite passive participle pattern and apocopated 3rd f.s. pronominal suffix.**<sup>11</sup>**

<y> = [e]: *ʾbygyd*, *ḥpyzy*, *ḥrys*, *ymlyk*, *nyhrʾ*, *ʿbdmlyk*, *rymw*, *šmšbryk*, *šmšḥdyt*. **12**

<y>= [ē]: *yhbrmryn*, *qšbrmryn*.

<y>= [i]: *hny*, *wylt*, in both cases associated with a glottal stop (Abbadi 1983, 178).

<y>= [ī]: *brbʿlšmyn*, *brzqyqʾ*, *ʿbdbʿšmyn*; also 1st s. possessive and object pronominal suffix, and [ī] of Arabic *CaCīC* or *nisbe* forms.

<y> = [āy]: Aram. *nisbe* forms.

#### 3.2.7 Transcriptions of Greek and Iranian names

Greek Names:

```
<κ> = <k>: ṭwkrws, slwk, slkw.
<κ> = <q>: nqndrs.
<ξ> = <k+ṣ>: ʾlkṣdrws. Palmyrene parallels usually display <k+s>, 
with the exception of ʾlkṣndry (Yon 2013a no. 1:1).
<τ> = <ṭ>: ṭwkrws.
```
<ι> = <y>: *nmsys*. <ο> = <w>: *ʾlkṣdrws*, *ṭwkrws*.

<εῖ> = <y>: *dyns*. <ευ>/<εῦ> = <w>: *ṭwkrws*, *slwk*. <ίω> = <yw*>*: *dmywn*.

Iran. names:

```
[d] = <ṭ>: ʾprṭn, ʾštṭ, ʾštṭy, ʾštʾṭy.
                                  13
[k] = <q>: ʾstnq, ʾtnq, mhrbndq, snṭrwq, snṭrq.
[ā] = <ʾ>: rʾyt.
[ē] = <y>: dwšpry, mnyš.
[i] = <y>: myhrʾ.
[ī] = <y>: tyrdt.
[ō] = <w>: dwšpry, wrwd, d/rwšmhr.
```

**3 Linguistic Analysis 145**

```
[u] = <w>: wnwk.
[ū] = <w>: bndw, snṭrwq.
```
Uncertain: <w> in *gwsnʾ* may express [u], [ō], [au]. However, this name may also not be Iran.

## **3.3 Morphological Features (in Semitic Names)**

3.3.1 Nouns

3.3.1.1 One-Word Names

#### **Noun Patterns**

The majority of Hatran one-word names derive from triconsonantal roots; the sole biconsonantal ones are *ʾbʾ* and perhaps *ʾdʾ* (cf. entry). Due to the frequent impossibility of determining the exact vocalization of a name, only the less ambiguous patterns are presented here. Aram. and Arabic patterns are sometimes indistinguishable due to the presence of cognate roots; they coexist with other linguistic features such as the Canaanite passive participle *CaCūC*.

Aram. *CaCīC*: *hdyrt*, *ṭrydʾ*, *ydyʿw*, *yhybw*, *ʿqybʾ*. **14**

Arabic *CaCīC*: *ʾryš*, *ʾtlw*, *ḥbbw*, *ḥbw*/*ysʾ* (if read *ḥbysʾ*), *ḥbybw*, *kbyrw*, *kṣyʾ*, *mytʾ*, *sqyr*, *ʿwydw*, *ʿṣy*, *ṣdyq*, *šnyʾ*, *šrdw*. **15**

Aram. or Arabic *CaCīC*: *zbw*/*yd* (if read *zbyd*), *ʿly*. **16**

Canaanite *CaCūC*: *zbw*/*yd* (if read *zbwd*), *qrwnʾ*. **17**

Aram. *CaCCāC*: *kšṭw*, *rbn*.

Arabic elative *ʾaCCaC*: *ʾbgr*, *ʾkḥl*, *ʾršd*, *ʾšlm*, *ʾšlmw*. **18**

Arabic diminutive *CuCayC*: *bd*/*ryd***/***rʾ* (if read *brydʾ*), *bwšyr*, *whybʾ*, *skyrʾ*,

**15** Uncertain: *bd/ryd/rʾ*, *ḥrys*, *qymy*, *qymt*, *qymty*. Add the genitive constructions: *hybšw* (uncertain), *ʿwydʾlt*, *ʿwydʾšr*, *ʿwydlt*, *ʿwydšr*.

**16** Uncertain: *ḥbyb*.


**<sup>14</sup>** Uncertain: *ḥnynʾ*, *ḥnnʾ*, *ḥnny*. Add the genitive construction *ʿqybšmš*.

*ʿbydʾ*, *ʿbydw*, *ʿwbdw*, *ʿwygʾ*, *šmyšw* (Hatran-Greek bilingual D 4).**<sup>19</sup>**

Uncertain diminutives *CuCayC*: *zbw*/*yd* (if read *zbyd*), *zbydw*, *ḥbbw*, *ḥbyb*, *ḥnynʾ*. The <y*>* between the second and third radicals may point at a diminutive *CuCayC*. This is attested with Arabic roots, as seen above, which allows for the suggestion that an Arab origin is more likely, also for names with doubtful derivations from Aram. or Arabic. This pattern is nonetheless attested also in Aram., though less frequently.

Aram. diminutives (-*ān* suffix): *ʿqrbn*, *ʿqrbnʾ*. **20**

Aram. *nisbe*: *zqyʾ*. **21**

Arabic *nisbe*: *ʿky*. **22**

#### **Gender, Number, and State of Nouns**

For the ambiguity of suffixed -*ʾ* as hypoc. or Aram. det. suffix, see below: for determinate nouns in genitive constructions and nouns in verbal sentences, cf. the relevant entry in the discussion of two-words names.

Aram. m.s. absolute: *ḥbr*, *ḥlq*, *ymq*, *rbn*. **23**

Aram. m.s. determinate: *ʾgrʾ*, *grbʾ*, *zd*/*rwqʾ*, *zd*/*rqʾ*, *zkyʾ*, *ḥnʾ*, *ḥnynʾ*, *ḥnnʾ*, *ṭpsrʾ*, *ṭrydʾ*, *kmrʾ*, *mlkʾ*, *mrʾ*, *mryʾ*, *nwhdrʾ*, *nʿwrʾ*, *sbʾ*, *ʿbʾ*, *ʿqrbnʾ*, *qwpʾ*, *qpʾ*, *qrwnʾ*, *šrṭʾ*. **24**

Aram. f.s. absolute: *ʾdn* (if Aram.).

Aram. f.s. determinate: *krsʾ*, *rbtʾ* (hypoc.). **<sup>25</sup>**

**19** Uncertain: *ḥryšw* (uncertain, cf. entry, *mlykw*). Add the genitive construction *ʿwbdʾly*.


**3 Linguistic Analysis 147**

Arabic f.s.: *grwt*, *wylt* (participle), *ḥršt*, *ʿztw*, **<sup>26</sup>** *ʿlt*, *ʿltʾ*, **<sup>27</sup>** *qyymt*, *qymt*, *qymty*, **<sup>28</sup>** *qynt*, *rʾmt*. **29**

As to the female name *hdyrt*, the presence of the (apparently Arabic) suffix -*t* attached to this Aram adjective may be due to a defective writing of the Aram. f.s. determinate suffix, i.e. an apocope of <ʾ>, or to a phenomenon of Arabicization by means of the Arabic f.s. suffix.

Use of loanwords (nouns and verbs) in onomastics: Akk. loanword: *ʾgrʾ*, *brlbʾ*, *ṭpsrʾ*, *šwznbl*. Iran. loanword: *gzbry*, *knzyw*, *nwhdrʾ*.

Lallatives: *bby*, *mymy*. **30**

#### 3.3.1.2 Two-Word Names

Noun + Possessive pronominal suffix:

1st s.: *ʾby*, *ʾbygd*, *ʾbygyd*, *mry*, *ʿbdly*, *ʿdry*, *ʿyny*, *rby*, *šmšʿdry*, *[…]ʾšrly*. **31** 3rd f.s. apocopated: *ʾbw*, *mrtbw*. 3rd m.p. (Aram.): *mrhwn*, *mrhn*. 3rd m.p. (Akk.): *bšwn*.

Interrogative pronoun *mn* + noun: *mky*, **<sup>32</sup>** *mkmrtn*.

Aram. genitive constructions: *ʾmbʾ* (f.), *brkmrʾ*, *mrtbw* (f.).

Arabic genitive constructions: *ʿbḥyrn*.

Aram. genitive constructions (with theonym): *brbʿlšmyn*, *brzqyqʾ*, *brzqq*, *brklbʾ*, *brlbʾ*, *brnbw*, *brny*, *brnyʾ*, *brnny*, *brnšrʾ*, *brnšry*, *brʿy*, *brʿqbw*, *bršʾ*, *bršw*/*y*, *bršmš*, *btsmyʾ* (f.), *ʿbdʾdn*, *ʿbdʾlhʾ*, *ʿbdʾšr*, *ʿbdbʿšmyn*, *ʿbdgdʾ*, *ʿbdlhʾ*, *ʿbdly*, *ʿbdmlyk*, *ʿbdmlk*, *ʿbdnrgwl*, *ʿbdnšr*, *ʿbdnšrʾ*, *ʿbdsyʾ*, *ʿbdsmyʾ*, *ʿbdšʾ*, *ʿbdšlmʾ*, *ʿbdšlmn*, *ʿbdšmʾ*, *ʿbdšmš*, *ʿbsmyʾ*, *ʿbšʾ*, *ʿbšy*,


#### *ʿbšlmʾ*, *ʿwbdly*, *ʿqybšmš*, **<sup>33</sup>** *rḥdd*. **34**

Arabic genitive constructions (with theonym): *zydʾlt*, *ʿbdʿgylw*, *ʿbdʿgyly*, *ʿbdʿgylyʾ*, *ʿwydʾlt*, *ʿwydʾšr*, *ʿwydlt*, *ʿwydšr*, *ʿydly*, *rpʿnny*, *tymly*, *tymlt*, *tmlt*, *tmny*. **35**

Canaanite genitive construction (*CaCūC* passive participle construct + theonym): *ntwnʾšr*.

3.3.2 Prepositions

*b*: *bd*/*rʾ* (if read *bdʾ*). *k*: *mky*, *mkmrtn*. *l*: *lhdd*, *lšglʾ*, *[…]ʾšrly* (incomplete, cf. entry).

3.3.3 Verbs

Aram. G perfect: *ʾdwktb*, *ʾlhyhbw*, *ʾtʿqb*, *blʿqb*, *gdyhb*, *yhblhʾ*, *yhbrmryn*, *yhbšy*, *yhbšmš*, *mrnyhb*, *nbwbnʾ*, *nbwyhb*, *nbwktb*, *nšrhb*, *nšryhb*, *nšrʿqb*, *ʿnny*, *ʿqbsmyʾ*, *ʿqbšmʾ*, *ʿqbšmš*, *rḥmny*, *rḥmšmš*, *rpʾ*, *rpšʾ*, *rpšmš*, *šwznbl*, *šmʿny*, *šmšyhb*, *šmšʿqb*. Aram. G perfect + 1st s. object pronominal suffix: *ʿnny*, *šmʿny*. **36** Aram. G passive participle: see above, *CaCīC* pattern. Aram. D perfect: *blbrk*, *ḥwyšʾ*, *klbmlʾ*, *qšbrmryn*, *šmšbryk*, *šmšbrk*, *šmšḥdyt*, *šrrmry*. Aram. D imperfect: *ʾsrybrk*.

Aram. D imperative: *ʾsrpndʾ*.

Aram. Dt participle: *mṭlš*.

Aram. C perfect: *ʾpḥw*?

Aram. C imperfect: *lwṭb*, *nšrlṭb*.

Aram. C active participle: *mqymšmš*, *šmšmkn*.

Arabic perfect (I, m. and f.): *brzl*, *grmʾlt*, *grmlt*, *ḥpʾ*, *ḥpʾzw*, *ḥpʾzy*, *ḥpyzy*, *nbwsmʿ pʾzw*. **37**


#### **3 Linguistic Analysis 149**

Arabic active participle (I): *hny*, *wylt*. **38** Arabic active participle (II or IV): *mʿyrw* (cf. entry).

Aram. G or Arabic (I) perfect: *ḥbʾ*, *šmšgrm*.

Aram. G or Arabic (I) imperfect: *ymlyk*, *ymlk*.

Akk. G perfect subjunctive: *ttny*.

Uncertain (Aram. or Arabic) perfect forms: *ʾdltw*, *zbdy*, *ndr*, *nṣr*, *ʿqb*, *ʿqbʾ*, *ʿqbw*, *ʿqbwy*, *ʿqby*, *ʿqbn*.

Imperfect forms with a *y-* prefix are to be considered Aram. rather than Arabic (as proposed by Beyer 1998, 138). This is an OA and OffA feature still found in Palm. and Old Syr. (Healey 2009, 51), whereas the usual Hatran Aram. prefix for the 3rd m.s. imperfect is *l*- (Beyer 1998, 137-8). Its presence is probably due to the conservative character of onomastics, in which it nonetheless coexists with *l*- prefix forms (*lwṭb* and *nšrlṭb*). Conversely, the name *ymlyk*/*ymlk* may have an Arab origin, since it has perfect parallels in Nab. and Saf.

### **3.4 Syntactical Features (in Semitic Sentence-Names)**

3.4.1 Nominal Sentences

Theonym + noun: *ʾdwnr*, *nbwgbr*, *nbwdyn*, *šmšgd*, *šmšṭyb*, *šmšmkn*, *šmšʿdry*. **39**

Noun + theonym: *ʾbygd*, *ʾbygyd*, *ʾlhšmš*, *gbrhdd*, *ḥywšʾ*, *ḥyršʾ*, *ḥnšmš*, *mqymšmš*, *rmšmš*. **40**

Interrogative nominal sentence: *mky*, **<sup>41</sup>** *mkmrtn*.


**<sup>38</sup>** Uncertain. *drm*, *hybšw*.

**<sup>39</sup>** Uncertain: *ʿdrlʾ*.

#### 3.4.2 Verbal Sentences

Theonym + verb: *ʾdwktb*, *ʾlhyhbw*, *ʾsrybrk*, *ʾsrpndʾ*, *ʾtʿqb*, *blbrk*, *blʿqb*, *gdyhb*, *klbmlʾ*, *mrnyhb*, *nbwbnʾ*, *nbwyhb*, *nbwktb*, *nbwsmʿ*, *nšrhb*, *nšryhb*, *nšrlṭb*, *nšrʿqb*, *šmšbryk*, *šmšbrk*, *šmšgrm*, *šmšḥdyt*, *šmšyhb*, *šmšʿqb*.

Verb + theonym: *brzl*, *grmʾlt*, *grmlt*, *ḥwyšʾ*, *ḥpʾzw*, *ḥpʾzy*, *ḥpyzy*, *yhblhʾ*, *yhbrmryn*, *yhbšy*, *yhbšmš*, *ʿqbsmyʾ*, *ʿqbšmʾ*, *ʿqbšmš*, *qšbrmryn*, *rḥmšmš*, *rpʾzw*, *rpšʾ*, *rpšmš*, *šwznbl*, *šrrmry*. **42**

Hypoc. (verb or verb + other elements): *ʾpḥw*?, *ḥpʾ*, *ymlyk*, *ymlk*, *lwṭb*, *ʿnny*, *rpʾ*, *šmʿny*; see also above, "Uncertain perfect forms".

Hatran names structured as verbal sentences are characterized by the presence of a theonym as subject, which can be rightly hypothesized also for hypoc. forms. Verbs are consistently attested in the 3rd m.s. person: their occurrence also with female theonyms is common practice in Hatran onomastics (Beyer 1998, 140).

#### **3.5 Hypocoristic Suffixes to One- and Two-Word Names**

Hypocoristica are attested for one- and two-word names. The following lists include all attestations on the basis of their suffix.

Hypoc. -*ʾ*: *brnšrʾ*, *bršʾ*, *gdʾ*, *hblʾ*, *ḥbʾ*, *ḥwyšʾ*, *ḥywšʾ*, *ḥyršʾ*, *ḥyšʾ*, *mʿnʾ*, *nšrʾ*, *sbʾ*, *ʿbdšʾ*, *ʿbdšlmʾ*, *ʿbdšmʾ*, *ʿbšʾ*, *ʿbšlmʾ*, *ʿgʾ*, *ʿqʾ*, *ʿqbʾ*, *ʿqbšmʾ*, *rpšʾ*, *šylʾ*, *šlmʾ*. **43**

Hypoc. or det. -*ʾ*: *ʾbʾ*, *ʾšʾ*, *bd*/*ryd***/***rʾ*, *blgʾ*, *ddʾ*, *whybʾ*, *ḥbw*/*ysʾ*, *ḥyrʾ*, *kṣyʾ*, *mytʾ*, *skyrʾ*, *ʿbydʾ*, *ʿwygʾ*, *ʿltʾ*, *ʿqybʾ*. **44**

Hypoc. -*w*: *brʿqbw*, *bršw*/*y*, *hybšw*, *ydyʿw*, *yhybw*, *kšṭw*, *mlw*, *ʿbdw*, *ʿwbdw*, *ʿwydw*, *rw*/*zḥw* (if read *rwḥw*), *rymw*, *rmw*. **45**

Arabic nominative -*w*: *ʾdltw*, *ʾšw*, *ʾšlmw*, *ʾtlw*, *blgw*, *gblw*, *dmgw*, *zbydw*,


**44** Uncertain: *ḥnynʾ*, *nyhrʾ*, *ʿbnʾ*, *ʿbsʾ*, *ʿzʾ*, *šbʿʾ*, *šnyʾ*. Hypoc. or det. -*ʾ* is attached also to Iran. *znʾ*.

**45** Uncertain: *ʾpḥw*, *gdw*, *kbyrw*, *mlykw*, *mʿnw*, *ʿqbw*, *šbrw*, *šmw*.

**3 Linguistic Analysis 151**

*ḥbybw*, *ḥyrw*, *mʿyrw*, *nṣrw*, *ʿbydw*, *ʿwdw*, *ʿztw*, *šbw*, *šʿdw*, *šrdw*, *tymw*. **46**

Hypoc. -*y*: *ʾdy*, *ʾštʾṭy*, *ʾštṭy*, *bd*/*ry*, *brny*, *brnšry*, *brʿy*, *bršw*/*y*, *gdy*, *dd*/*ršy*, *whby*, *zbdy*, *ḥnny*, *ṭwʿy*, *yhbšy*, *mky*, *nšry*, *ʿbdy*, *ʿbdʿgyly*, *ʿby*, *ʿbšy*, *ʿzy*, *ʿydly*, *ʿqby*, *ʿty*, *qymy*, *qymty*, *šly*, *tymly*, *tmny*, *ttny*. **47**

Suffix -*wy*: *ʿqbwy*.

Suffix -*yʾ*: *brnyʾ*, *ʿbdʿgylyʾ*, *ʿglyʾ*. **48**

Suffix -*yw*: *knzyw*.

The use of suffixes to create a shortened form of a personal name follows rather unpredictable criteria and a variety of hypoc. with *-ʾ*, -*w*, -*wy*, -*y*, -*yʾ*, and -*yw* are attested (cf. the overview in Beyer 1984, 445). Among these, it seems worthy to discuss briefly *-ʾ* and -*w*.

Suffixed *-ʾ* is attached to Aram. and Arab names. As to the first type, it may stand for a shortened form or a determinate state. The determination by means of a suffixed *-ʾ*, however, may have been applied also to Arab names, implying thus that at Hatra they were adapted to the dominant linguistic situation (Abbadi 1983, 179). As remarked more recently with reference to the Saf. name *gṯmʾ* attested at Dura Europos (Macdonald 2005, 120), Aramaized Saf. personal names are comparatively well attested (cf. the list in WH, 19) and frequently paralleled by names built upon the same root and displaying a prefixed article *h*- (e.g. *ʿbdʾ* and *hʿbd*). A similar situation can be observed for Hatran names, among which hypocoristica with suffixed *-ʾ* are attested together with hypocoristica bearing the suffix -*w*, traditionally considered proof of the Arab origin of the name (e.g. *ʾšʾ* and *ʾšw*; *blgʾ* and *blgw*). The corpus thus displays a parallel situation to that attested for Safaitic names, which may be evidence of the coexistence of Arab hypocoristica and their Aramaized equivalents at Hatra as well. However, tracing a clear separation and determining the reasons for the development of these different Arab hypocoristica is rather complicated, since suffixed -*w* occurs also on originally Aram. forms (*ydyʿw*, *yhybw*, perhaps *ʾpḥw*). The suffix -*w* is generally understood as an Arabic nominative case ending when it is attached to theonyms or nouns (for Nab. onomastics cf. Diem 1973, 234-7, 1981, 336-7; 342-4); conversely, when it occurs on verbal forms it is interpreted with certainty as a hypocoristic. A suffixed -*w* is attested also in Palmyrene onomastics and could be part of


**<sup>46</sup>** Uncertain: *ḥbbw*, *ḥryšw*, *thmrw*, *tlmw*.

a shared Arab onomastic heritage that preserved traces of case endings. We are unable to state whether the language spoken by the Arab population gravitating round Hatra maintained case endings; since personal names tend to preserve archaic features, one could also suppose that such hypocoristica with -*w* testify to a more ancient linguistic phase. In this regard, Mascitelli (2006, 236) points at some methodological shortcomings in the work of Diem (1973): firstly, the assumption that Nab. was an Arabic dialect in which case endings were not employed anymore, so that suffixes attached to personal names would have been just frozen forms; moreover, the use of a rather outdated and comparatively restricted onomastic corpus, i.e., the names listed in Cantineau 1932. Mascitelli (2006, 242 n. 162) proposes that suffixed -*w* in Nab. onomastics may depend on a euphonic shift [ā] > [ō]; a -*y* suffixed to two-word names built as genitive constructions, instead, could be a frozen genitive ending, deriving from an Arabic background and still preserved in Aram.

#### **3.6 Semantic Taxonomy of Hatran Semitic Personal Names**

#### 3.6.1 General Remarks

The taxonomic study of Semitic personal names based on their semantic value has proved to be a highly promising source of sociolinguistic information since the publication of two classic analyses of Semitic anthroponymy, Noth (1928), which treated Jewish names, and Stamm (1939), which covered the Akkadian evidence. These reference works constituted the basis for a number of studies published in the subsequent decades, which aimed at going beyond the traditional linguistic and structural evaluation of anthroponyms and focused instead on the social and religious implications of the choice and usage of names. A comparative discussion is presented, for example, in the volume *Altorientalische und semitische Onomastik* (Streck-Weninger 2002), in which nine papers discuss Sumerian, Hittite, Egyptian, Akkadian, Hebrew, Ancient South-Arabian, and Arabic personal names.

As to Akkadian names, a major overview is Edzard (1998-2001, part A. on Sumerian names and B. dedicated to Akkadian names). Amongst more recent contributions, Baker (2002) focuses on the practices of name-giving in the 1st millennium BC; Hackl (2013) analyses the factors inherent in the choice of female slave names in Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid cuneiform texts, referring to Noth's (1928) and Stamm's (1939) semantic categories; Porten (2016) deals with the occurrences of Akkadian onomastics in Aramaic texts mainly from Achaemenid Egypt, comparing them with the semantics of Hebrew names.

Similar examinations of Aramaic names have been carried out on specific corpora or case-studies. Silverman (1981) analyses ʻservant names' in Aramaic and other Semitic languages; Negev (1991, 155-79), which should be consulted alongside the remarks in Macdonald (1999), attempts a socio-historical evaluation of the Nabataeans drawing upon the lexicon and semantics of their personal names; Yon (2013b) discusses anthroponyms built upon animal names in Palmyrene Aramaic and contemporary corpora from Syria and Mesopotamia.

After Noth (1928), several other important investigations were conducted on Jewish names: among the most recent ones, cf. Silverman (1985, especially 246-74 for the semantic analysis and caution as to Stamm's *Ersatznamen*, see below), Fowler (1988) on theophoric names, and for a re-examination of the whole corpus, cf. Rechenmacher (2012, 109-82).

The studies cursorily mentioned above have expanded the scheme introduced by Noth (1928) with abundant ramifications. Regarding Hatran anthroponymy, the comparatively high presence of names that cannot receive a univocal interpretation makes it advisable not to outline an excessively detailed taxonomy. Further research and the publication of new texts will surely contribute to a better definition of these issues.

The basic principles of such a semantic taxonomy can be summed up as follows, considering two-word and one-word names separately. The Hatran corpus does not testify to three-word names, typical of Akkadian anthroponymy.

From a linguistic point of view, as seen above, theophoric **two-word names** can be built as genitive constructions, nominal or verbal sentences. Semantically, the following categories have been identified:


They are, to a large extent, sentences with a perfect form; otherwise, genitive constructions which correspond to, or can be turned into, a verbal sentence of the type mentioned above. A subgrouping of these names, intended by Stamm (1939, 278-306) as substitute names (*Ersatznamen*), greets the substitution of a deceased member of the family by means of a new-born child, or expresses a familiar relationship with the deity, probably as thanksgiving for the birth of a long-desired child (Silverman 1985, 257; Rechenmacher 2012, 141-2). Cf. Silverman's (1985, 257 n. 23) caution toward Stamm's (1965) later excessively inclusive approach with regard to this semantic subcategory.

– Petition names (*Wunschnamen*) address the deity for a prayer or request, usually expressed with an imperfect (Aramaic) or an imperative verb (Akkadian).

**One-word names** are often hypocoristica of theophoric names; animal, plant, profession, and constellation names, as well as designations of physical and behavioural characteristics. In certain cases, defects, endearment names, diminutives, and lallatives are attested. These names correspond to Noth's (1928, 221-32) *Profane Namen* and to Stamm's (1939, 242-57) *Zärtlichkeitsnamen* ʻendearment names'. Sometimes these categories overlap: for example, the Arab names *whybʾ* and *zbydw* are both hypocoristica of thanksgiving names and diminutives. They are listed under "Thanksgiving names" due to the more discrete nature of this category.

Drawing upon studies on Classical Arabic anthroponyms (Wild 1982; Muth 2008), one-word Arab names, which display a substantial spectrum of semantic values, can be considered as proper names (*ism*, *ʿalam*, *ism al-ʿalam*) or nicknames (*laqab*). Within such a large range, the comparatively high incidence of names referring to unpleasant characteristics should be interpreted in light of their apotropaic value against the evil eye or, more generally, against any harm that the child may incur in his life (Wild 1982, 155; 156; Muth 2008, 719).

The following schematic taxonomy is based upon the linguistic affiliation of Hatran Semitic names: Aramaic, Arab, Akkadian, and Semitic Unclassified names are taken into account. As to the last group, Aramaic or Arab names are inserted into the scheme only if their meaning (or one of their possible meanings) can be ascertained with a reasonable degree of certainty. Iranian and Greek names, together with names for which a Semitic etymology cannot be currently determined, are excluded.

#### 3.6.2 Two-Word Names

#### 3.6.2.1 Aramaic

Confessional names


Confidence names: *ʿdrlʾ*, *šmšgd*, *šmšʿdry*.

Thanksgiving names: *ʾdwktb*, *ʾlhyhbw*, *ʾmbʾ*, *ʾtʿqb*, *blbrk*, *blʿqb*, *brbʿlšmyn*, *brzqyqʾ*, *brzqq*, *brklbʾ*, *brkmrʾ*, *brlbʾ*, *brnbw*, *brny*, *brnyʾ*, *brnny*, *brnšrʾ*, *brnšry*, *brʿy*, *brʿqbw*, *bršʾ*, *bršw***/***y*, *bršmš*, *btsmyʾ*, *gdyhb*, *ḥwyšʾ*, *yhblhʾ*, *yhbrmryn*, *yhbšy*, *yhbšmš*, *klbmlʾ*, *mrnyhb*, *nbwyhb*, *nbwktb*, *nšrhb*, *nšryhb*, *nšrʿqb*, *ntwnʾšr*, *ʿqbsmyʾ*, *ʿqbšmʾ*, *ʿqbšmš*, *ʿqybšmš*, *qšbrmryn*, *rḥmny*, *rḥmšmš*, *rpšʾ*, *rpšmš*, *šmšbryk*, *šmšbrk*, *šmšḥdyt*, *šmšyhb*, *šmšmkn*, *šmšʿqb*, *šrrmry*.

Petition names: *ʾsrybrk*, *ʾsrpndʾ*, *nšrlṭb*.

#### 3.6.2.2 Arab

Confessional names


Thanksgiving names: *brzl*, *grmʾlt*, *grmlt*, *zydʾlt*, *ḥpʾzw*, *ḥpʾzy*, *ḥpyzy*, *nbwsmʿ*, *rpʾzw*.

3.6.2.3 Akkadian Names and Aramaic Names of Akkadian Origin

Confessional names

– General confessional: *nbwdyn*.

Thanksgiving names: *nbwbnʾ*, *šwznbl*.

3.6.2.4 Unclassified

Confessional names

– Self-confessional: *ʿbdgdʾ*.

Thanksgiving names: *ʾbygd*, *ʾbygyd*, *dd***/***ršy*?, *šmšgrm*.

#### 3.6.3 One-Word Names

#### 3.6.3.1 Aramaic

Hypocoristica


Animal names: *nʿwrʾ*, **<sup>49</sup>** *ʿbʾ*, *qwpʾ*, *qpʾ*.

Profession names: *ʾgrʾ*, *gzbry*, *kmrʾ*, *kšṭw*, *nwhdrʾ*.

Constellation names: *šrṭʾ*.

Physical characteristics: *ʾdn*, *grbʾ*, *zqyʾ*, *ymq*, *krsʾ*, *mṭlš*, *sbʾ*, *srʾm*.

The following one-word Aramaic names are excluded, due to the many plausible meanings they can be given: *zd***/***rwqʾ*, *zd***/***rqʾ*, *ʿqb*, *ʿqbʾ*, *ʿqbw*, *ʿqby*, *ʿqbn*, *ʿqybʾ*. The meaning of *kwny* is unclear.

3.6.3.2 Arab

Hypocoristica

**3 Linguistic Analysis 157**

**<sup>49</sup>** ʻBraying', technically not an animal name but nonetheless pertaining to this semantic sphere.


Animal names: *grwt*, *rʾmt*.

Profession names: *qynt*.

Physical characteristics: *ʾbgr*, *ʾkḥl*, *gblw*, *drm*?, *kbyrw*, *sqyr*, *ʿwygʾ*, *ʿky*, *šbw*.

Behavioural characteristics: *ʾṭyš*?, *ʾryš*, *ʾršd*, *ʾšlm*, *ʾšlmw*, *ʾtlw*, *mytʾ*, *mʿyrw*, *skyrʾ*, *ʿbnʾ*?, *ʿṣy*, *ʿqʾ*?.

Pure endearment names: *qyymt*, *qymy*, *qymt*, *qymty*.

Diminutives: *bd***/***ryd***/***rʾ*?, *bwšyr*.

Varia: *dmgw*, *kṣyʾ*, *nwrn*, *plq*.

3.6.3.3 Akkadian Names and Aramaic Names of Akkadian Origin

Hypocoristica


Profession names: *ṭpsrʾ*.

#### 3.6.3.4 Unclassified

Hypocoristica


**<sup>50</sup>** *ʿzʾ* and *ʿzy* may also be the theonym ʿUzzā.

Animal names: *ʿqrbn*, *ʿqrbnʾ*.

Plant names: *šṭʾ*.

Lallatives: *bby*, *mymy*.

The following Unclassified names can be linked to several languages (not only Semitic) and thus have many different semantic connotations: *ʾd***/***rnb*, *bd***/***rʾ*, *bd***/***ry*, *zbyʾ*, *ḥryšw*, *ḥršt*, *ʿbwš*, *ʿbsʾ*, *ʿnn*, *ʿšy*, *šbʿʾ*, *šbrw*, *šṭb*, *šmw*. Other Unclassified names cannot presently receive any certain etymology nor semantic scope: *ʾlṭwm*, *ʾlkwd***/***r*, *ʾnšbʾ*, *bd***/***rynšw*, *gwsnʾ*, *hkyd***/***rd***/***r*, *zbgʾ*, *ṭṭʾ*, *prhnd***/***r*, *rw***/***zḥw*, *thmrw*, *tky*, *tlmw*.

Enrico Marcato

## **4 Religious Significance of Hatran Theophoric Names**

The discussion of Hatran theophoric names in view of their importance for the reconstruction of the Hatrene religious landscape can contribute to a comprehensive (re-)evaluation of its pantheon and religious system.**<sup>1</sup>** As already remarked (Marcato 2016), Hatran personal names supply a remarkable wealth of information on the cultural milieu of Hatra and its internal dynamics, such as the re-elaboration of traditional features and the assimilation of foreign elements.

First of all, it may be useful to survey the abundant theonyms displayed by Hatran onomastics:


Table 5. Theonyms in Hatran theophoric names

**1** The literature on specific case-studies in Hatrene religion is steadily increasing, but a complete evaluation remains a desideratum. A major comprehensive study, to be entitled *Les cultes de Hatra*, has been announced by B. Aggoula on several occasions since the 1980s but has never appeared. In the following discussion, reference will be made to seminal studies and the most recent outcomes of research in this field.



The presence of theonyms originating from different cultural milieus is self-evident: Aramaic or North-Western Semitic (*ʾdn*-Lord, Adda, Addu, ʿAtte/Atargatis, Baʿalšamīn, Dāda, El, Gad), Akkadian (Assor, Bēl, Hadad, Iššar, Nabû, Nanaya, Nergol, Šalmān, Šamš, Zaqīqā), Iranian (Aštād, Farrah, Mithra, Tīr), Arab (Allāt, *ʿgl*-Calf, ʿUzzā, Hubal, *lb*-Lion, Maʿan), in addition to Hatrene specific deities (*ʿqb*-Eagle, Barmaren, *klb*-Dog, Maren, Marten, Nešra, Samya), and common nouns that in these cases designate divine entities (*ʾlh*-god, *mlk*-King, *mrt*-Lady). The rather enigmatic Śangilā (Maraqten 1996, 22-6) is attested as well.

One of the most striking features of this corpus of theophoric names is the level of interaction between theonyms and onomastic components (nouns, verbs) from different cultural and linguistic contexts. The case of Arab names is particularly illustrative and has already been discussed (Marcato 2016, 349-50): only a few points will be resumed here. Arab theophoric names may display: an Arab theonym with an ANA or Arabic noun (e.g. *ʿwydʾlt*, *tymlt* and related forms); a generally Semitic theonym with an ANA or Arabic noun (*ḥywšʾ*, *ḥyršʾ*) or verb (*ʿwydʾšr*); more specific cases are the unions of a Mesopotamian theonym with an ANA or Arabic noun (*rpʿnny*, *tmny*) or verb (*nbwsmʿ*, *šmšgrm*). This fact points unmistakably at the complexity and depth of interplay between the urban community and the Arab component of the population. Personal names show that the Arab presence at Hatra, due to a number of semi-nomadic groups gravitating around the city, was substantial and played a fundamental role in the shaping of Hatrene cultural physiognomy. Conversely, such an interchange between different cultural contexts is not attested for Iranian names: both complete theophoric names and hypocoristica remain purely Iranian; Iranian vocabulary, on the other hand, does not seem to have been a resource for the creation of original onomastic formations.

Several deities are attested not only in personal names but also in inscriptional and archaeological finds.

The Triad of Hatra, composed of Maren ʻOur Lord', Marten ʻOur Lady', and Barmaren ʻThe Son of Our Lords', is perhaps attested not as much as one would expect. Much more numerous are the occurrences of the chief of the pantheon hiding behind Maren, i.e., the Sun-god Šamš. As can be inferred from the "Semantic Taxonomy", theophoric names with Šamš belong to different onomastic categories and illustrate an ample range of qualities attributed to the god. Despite its association with both Aramaic and Arab vocabulary, the orthography of the theonym is invariably <šmš>, which demonstrates its Mesopotamian background.**<sup>2</sup>** In addition, his epithet Bēl, which points to his prominent role, is attested in onomastics as well. Occupying the peak of the pantheon, Šamš-Maren is accompanied by his two manifestations in the shape of the Eagle god: Nešra and the recently identified *ʿqb* (Pennacchietti 2007).

Another characteristically Hatrene deity, Samya, the divinized standard (Dirven 2005), appears in theophoric names. Self-confessional names such as *ʿbdsmyʾ* and related forms testify to the fact that the divine standard was conceived as a god on his own, as well as being a representative of certain other gods of the pantheon. Another god who is well represented in onomastics, and to whom Small Shrine 13 was dedicated, is Gad; usually considered ʻgood fortune' or the tutelary deity of an individual or a family. Small Shrine 13 displays a significant amount of attestations of ʻthe Gad of *dmgw*'.

Ancient Mesopotamian deities are well represented and display an admixture of traditional and innovative traits. As to Nabû, for example, the name *nbwktb* gives evidence of his connection with the art of writing, as witnessed also by his qualification ʻNabû the scribe of Maren' in H 389. The association with the verb *ktb* is attested also for Addu in *ʾdwktb*, an unprecedented name (Marcato 2016, 351-2).

The lord of the netherworld, Nergol (in the Hatran spelling with a *mater lectionis* <w>), is known in onomastics only through *ʿbdnrgwl*, which is not, however, informative as to his characterization. His sacred animal and manifestation, *klb*-Dog (Dirven 2009; 2013a, 150-2), is attested in onomastics as *brklbʾ* and *klbmlʾ*. The first name is a clear hint at the perception of deities and divine attributes by the inhabitants of Hatra: as already shown (Marcato 2016, 352-3), Bar-Kalbā's father was a priest of Nergol and chose to give his son a name that clearly evoked the worship of this god.

Personal names composed with the theonym Nanaya may display an ANA or Arabic nominal component, as seen above (*rpʿnny*, *tmny*). The name *tmny*, moreover, is an eloquent declaration of devotion to this god-

**<sup>2</sup>** For the Arab Sun-god one would expect <šms>. It must be acknowledged that some hypocoristica may hide the Arab theonym. Cf. for example *hybšw*, which displays also an ANA or Arabic adjective or active participle.

dess by the tribal group who bore it. The Bani Taym-Nay built the goddess' sanctuary (Small Shrine 14) in AD 100 or 101 (H 463 and 464), thus providing the city with a large religious building and fostering the integration of the Arab community into the urban population.

The case of the theonym Zaqīqā, a spirit of the netherworld and of dreams (Zgoll 2006, 299-307 for the Mesopotamian Zaqīqu), is even more peculiar. Whereas onomastic attestations of Zaqīqā at Hatra are not very informative and present a phenomenon of generic devotion, much more important is the attribution of the theonym Zaqīqā to two personal names, *ʾprṭn* and *ʿdry*, in H 410. These anthroponyms, an Iranian and an Aramaic name respectively, were most probably borne by members of a single family, or tribal group, who were deified after their death by their descendants and worshipped in Small Shrine 13, where the inscription was found. They prove how common anthroponyms could be turned into proper theonyms through the cult of ancestors who bore them.

The Arab goddess *par excellence* Allāt, who had her temple in the Temenos, was also a favourite in onomastics. She is accompanied exclusively by ANA or Arabic roots; see also the discussion of *brlbʾ* for the possibility that this name refers to the cult of the goddess by means of her animal, the lion, employing an ANA or ASA loanword into Aramaic. Her popularity in Hatra may have been enhanced by her being the goddess Marten, the female member of the Triad, according to Dirven's (2013a, 152-3) hypothesis. It should be stated, however, that the scarce attestations of Marten and our incomplete conception of her call for fresh data and further research.

Not all the deities who appear in theophoric names are attested as members of the pantheon of Hatra in inscriptions and iconographic evidence. The West-Semitic El, for example, is never attested as a theonym in Hatran inscriptions, nor do we know of any depictions of him. The same applies to Iranian Aštād, Farrah, Mithra, and Tīr: a cult of Mithra at Hatra had been posited due to the alleged Mithraic character of some samples of Hatrene religious architecture and iconography before this idea was convincingly rejected by Drijvers (1978) in a seminal article.

As to other deities, Akkadian and Arab, the situation is different. On the one hand, for some of them, no evidence regarding their cult at Hatra has emerged so far, but it can be shown that they belonged to a shared and multifaceted Northern Mesopotamian religious horizon.

For example, the god Assor, formerly Aššur, is attested at Hatra only in personal names, but it is well known that his cult, together with that of his spouse Serua (formerly Šerū'a) thrived at Assur, just 50 km away. Here, in the Parthian period, the divine couple was worshipped in a large Temenos. New sanctuaries were built, among which was the iwan temple of Assor and Serua just above the Neo-Assyrian house of the god; even the ziggurat was restored (Haider 2008, 193-201; Livingstone 2009 on the access to the sanctuary). Of course, this is not enough to state that individuals bearing theophoric names with Assor at Hatra came from the city of Assur, but it is highly likely that they originated from within Northern Mesopotamia. In the case of the previously unattested *ʾsrpndʾ* ʻOh Assor, ransom!' we observe a name that makes use of a verb commonly employed in onomastics (*pdy*) and which fits very well into traditional Akkadian petition names (see above) with an imperative verb.**<sup>3</sup>** It is a fresh onomastic formation, but one with a solid background.

Iššar (Ištar) is another Mesopotamian deity of immense popularity, who has, however, not been traced as of yet in the epigraphic evidence from Hatra. The combination of this theonym with a NWS (*ntwnʾšr*) and Arab root (*ʿwydʾšr*, *ʿwydšr*) attests to her popularity in various areas. As seen above (3.2.1.), the orthography <'šr> points to this goddess; the cult of *ʾšrbl* ʻIššarbēl' is witnessed by H 34, 35, and 38, all from Small Shrine 5, which may have been dedicated to her. Iššarbēl may be the ancient Ištar of Arbela, but this identification is highly problematic (Lipiński 1982; Greisiger 2008).

The Storm-god, Mesopotamian Hadad and North-Western Semitic Adda or Addu, provides a different type of example. No epigraphic attestations of his theonym are presently known, but two depictions may exist. Two *marmar* statuettes from Small Shrine 8 depict an enthroned Storm-god flanked by two bulls (Safar, Mustafa 1974, 286 Figg. 280-1); in the first one, which is headless, the god holds lightning bolts. Safar and Mustafa suggest that both statuettes may portray Baʿalšamīn but remark also that bulls are animals characteristic of Mesopotamian Hadad, and thus perhaps these images should be identified with this god.

Yet another situation is that presented by the theonym Šalmān. The persona of this god is quite enigmatic, and even in Middle- and Neo-Assyrian texts he seems to appear only seldomly outside of theophoric names. It is known that his cult was particularly popular in Dūr Katlimmu (PNA 3/I, 1071-80; Radner 2006-8). The paucity of his attestations notwithstanding, his presence several centuries after the fall of the Neo-Assyrian empire is an indicator of how deeply-rooted these names and their religious values were in this geographical area.

Similar remarks can be applied to Arab deities in Arab names, generally well known in the Nabataean (Healey 2001, Alpass 2013) and pre-Islamic Arabian pantheon, and by consequence in ANA onomastics (e.g. Farès-Drappeau 2005, 79-88). These attestations give further evidence of the wide circulation of Arab theonyms: their presence across the entire Roman and Parthian Near East was deeply rooted, as testified, in particular, by the onomastics of the royal house of Edessa (Tubach 2014).

**<sup>3</sup>** Cf. Livingstone (2009, 154-5) for a possible "aura of familiarity between worshipper and deity" attested in Aramaic personal names from Assur, which may imply a weakening of the former unapproachability of Aššur in imperial times.

Enrico Marcato

## **5 Concordance**

### **5.1 Entries in Abbadi (1983),** *Namensliste* **and** *Lexikon*

Table 6. Concordance between Abbadi (1983), *Namensliste* and *Lexikon* and the present book








#### **5.2 Entries in Abbadi (1983),** *Unvollständige Namen* **and** *Frühere Lesungen als Personennamen*

Table 7. Concordance between Abbadi (1983), *Unvollständige Namen* and the present book


Table 8. Concordance between Abbadi (1983), *Frühere Lesungen als Personennamen* and the present book


#### **5.3 Entries in Abbadi (1983),** *Familien- Und Stammesnamen*

Table 9. Concordance between Abbadi (1983), *Familien- und Stammesnamen* and the present book


#### **5.4 Concordance Between Complete Hatran Names and Abbadi (1983), All Sections**


Table 10. Concordance between the complete names listed in the present book and Abbadi (1983)










#### **5.5 Concordance Between Incomplete Hatran Names and Abbadi (1983), All Sections**

Table 11. Concordance between the incomplete names listed in the present book and all names in Abbadi (1983)


## **List of Abbreviations and Bibliography**

#### **Abbreviations**

Grammatical Abbreviations

det. Determinate f. Feminine f.s. Feminine singular hypoc. Hypocoristic m. Masculine m.p. Masculine plural m.s. Masculine singular p. Plural s. Singular Since reference is made to both Aram. and Arab names, I choose the neutral paradigm *CCC* instead of *qṭl* and *fʿl*.

Languages and Scripts

Akk. Akkadian Amm. Ammonite ANA Ancient North-Arabian Aram. Aramaic ASA Ancient South-Arabian Bab. Babylonian Dad. Dadanitic EA Egyptian Aramaic Hadr. Hadramitic Hebr. Hebrew Hism. Hismaic Iran. Iranian JBA Jewish Babylonian Aramaic LB Late-Babylonian MA Middle Aramaic Min. Minaic MP Middle Persian

MSA Modern Standard Arabic NA Neo-Assyrian Nab. Nabataean NB Neo-Babylonian NWS North-Western Semitic OA Old Aramaic OffA Official Aramaic Palm. Palmyrene Phoen. Phoenician Qat. Qatabanic Sab. Sabaic Saf. Safaitic Syr. Syriac Tham. Thamudic Ug. Ugaritic

Transliteration Conventions

[x] missing letter(s) ˹x˺ partially damaged letter(s) <x> integration {x} deletion

Other Abbreviations

Obv Obverse Rev Reverse r.e. Right edge le.e. Left edge u.e. Upper edge lo.e. Lower edge

#### Bibliographical abbreviations


*Inscriptions*. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Near and Middle East Series 8.


Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt 2.


#### **Bibliography**


Bertolino, Roberto (1996b). "Une stèle inédite de Hatra". *Semitica*, 46, 143-6.

Bertolino, Roberto (2000). "Un'iscrizione inedita in aramaico d'impero a Hatra". Milano, Lucio; de Martino, Stefano; Fales, Frederick M.; Lanfranchi, Giovanni B. (eds.), *Landscapes. Territories, Frontiers and Horizons in the Ancient Near East. Papers Presented to the XLIV Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Part III: Landscape in Ideology, Religion, Literature and Art*. *= Conference Proceedings* (Venezia, 7-11 July 1997). Padova: Sargon, 133-8. History of the Ancient Near East Monographs III/3.

**6 Abbreviations and Bibliography 189**


*on Epigraphical Evidence*. Leiden; New York; Köln: Brill. Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 128.


*nationalen Semitohamitistenkongresses Berlin 2004*. Aachen: Shaker Verlag, 391-9. Semitica et Semitohamitica Berolinensia 5.


kirchner Verlag des Erziehungsvereins. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 217.


Hatra, the famous Northern Mesopotamian 'city of the Sun-god' that thrived between the 1st century BC and the 3rd century AD, is a remarkable source of information on Parthian Mesopotamia. This book offers a fresh linguistic evaluation of the 376 personal names attested in the Aramaic inscriptions found at Hatra: the onomastic data culled from these texts contribute significantly to the reconstruction of the linguistic and cultural horizon of this spectacular site.

**17**

MARCATO

**INSCRIPTIONS OF HATRA**

**PERSONAL NAMES IN THE ARAMAIC**